Category: Global

  • Ending Sorcery Accusation-Related Violence with Miranda Forsyth

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    Show Notes

    This episode will lightly introduce you to Melanesia sorcery accusation violence through an eye opening and informative conversation with professor and advocate Miranda Forsyth, professor in the School of Regulation and Global Governance (RegNet) in the College of Asia and Pacific at ANU. She is a Director of the Working Committee for The International Network Against Accusations of Witchcraft and Associated Harmful Practices. Miranda’s geographical focus has been primarily in the Pacific Islands region, particularly Vanuatu and Papua New Guinea. Her current research projects include focusing on a multi-year project on overcoming sorcery accusation related violence in Papua New Guinea. This is Thou Shalt Not Suffer Podcasts first look at the Pacific Island region witch hunt. We ask: Why do we witch hunt? How do we witch hunt? How do we stop hunting witches? 

    Links

    Stop Sorcery Violence in PNG

    Sorcery National Action Plan

    The International Network

    Fighting the Wildfire of SARV

    Australian National University Wildfire StoryMap Announcement 

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    Transcript

    [00:00:20] Josh Hutchinson: Welcome to Thou Shalt Not Suffer: The Witch Trial Podcast. I'm Josh Hutchinson.
    [00:00:25] Sarah Jack: And I'm Sarah Jack.
    [00:00:27] Josh Hutchinson: In this episode, we're speaking with Miranda Forsyth, a director of The International Network Against Accusations of Witchcraft and Associated Harmful Practices, about her network's activities, and the crisis of sorcery accusation-related violence in Papua New Guinea.
    [00:00:44] Sarah Jack: This conversation will stretch your mind. 
    [00:00:48] Josh Hutchinson: We will be learning about the causes of sorcery accusation-related violence and what's contributing to an uptick in those harmful practices and learn how sorcery accusation-related violence is like a wildfire.
     You're used to hearing us talk about witch hunts. Today we're talking about sorcery accusation related violence, SARV.
    [00:01:18] Sarah Jack: I like this terminology because the action part of that phrase, accusation-related violence, really puts the emphasis on the accuser and the violence.
    [00:01:31] Josh Hutchinson: Yes. It's not the alleged sorcery that's really at issue here. It's the accusations and the results of those accusations. And once you're accused of sorcery or witchcraft, we see this all over the world, negative consequences follow. Even if you are not violently attacked, your reputation is ruined, and you often have to leave your community and seek shelter elsewhere.
    We learn about different solutions. The holistic approach is needed.
    [00:02:20] Sarah Jack: Just like we don't find one single reason that an accusation happens, it's not a single solution that's gonna solve the violence.
    [00:02:36] Josh Hutchinson: We all need to take action to stop violence, and every sector in government and civil society needs to respond to this to be a part of the solution. Everyone has to work together, and each person and each government agency and NGO has their own responsibilities, pieces that they need to be working on. And so we'll learn what all those components are to a holistic solution. Learn about how the healthcare sector needs to be involved, the law enforcement and judicial sector, the civil society, private organizations and individuals and community leaders, religious leaders, all need to be involved to complete a solution.
    [00:03:47] Sarah Jack: Did you hear that list? There's a good chance you fall onto one of those categories, and if you don't, someone in your household does, or your neighbor or your friend.  I hope this episode causes you to think about how your position and your profession or community gives you influence to do something about this problem or urges you to reach out to your friend or family member who could have influence to benefit the efforts against this violence.
    [00:04:27] Josh Hutchinson: I do wanna just mention the National Action Plan, the Papua New Guinea Sorcery and Witchcraft Accusation-Related Violence National Action Plan. That holistic approach is being employed to solve the major problem and that gathers people from many sectors and brings them all together. 
    [00:05:00] Sarah Jack: It's a well-informed plan.
    [00:05:03] Josh Hutchinson: Yes, it's well-informed. There are many, many people working to implement it, and knowing that there are all these advocates and people willing to risk their own lives to save people from Sorcery Accusation-Related Violence, the National Action Plan, and other action plans being developed elsewhere. Between those plans and just the number of people wanting to advocate right now, I'm very optimistic that this situation is going to improve.
    [00:05:49] Sarah Jack: Yes. When you listen to Miranda today, you're hearing research, you're hearing the outcomes of well-informed tactics or strategies.
    [00:06:02] Josh Hutchinson: Yes, many of these community-level interventions, in particular, are having real impacts in their locations. And, as more resources become available to the advocates, more of that work will be able to be done and more lives will be saved.
    [00:06:29] Sarah Jack: Enjoy this enriching talk with Miranda Forsyth, a professor in the school of Regulation and Global Governance in the College of Asia and Pacific at Australia National University and director on the working committee of The International Network Against Accusations of Witchcraft and Associated Harmful Practices. 
    [00:06:46] Josh Hutchinson: Can you explain for us what The International Network Against Accusations of Witchcraft and Associated Harmful Practices is?
    [00:06:56] Miranda Forsyth: So that's a new NGO that I and some colleagues formed last year. And really it was a way of bringing together individuals across the world who are interested in trying to combat the problem, the harms that come from accusations of witchcraft and associated harmful practices. And we really formed it in order to take over from the Witchcraft and Human Rights Information Network that was set up quite some years ago, and that was run by Gary Foxcroft. He decided that he wanted to step away and do some other things, and we were conscious that that had been providing quite an important space, particularly for the advocacy around work at the United Nations.
    And so we didn't want that to disappear. So we thought, okay then, let's create this new network really in order to continue the work that Gary and WHRIN had been doing. The people who formed it, we really came together in 2017, when the Special Expert for people Living with Albinism convened a meeting in Geneva to really address for the first time the issue of accusations of witchcraft and associated harmful practices.
    And I'm using that language, because it is a very difficult, the terminology is a really difficult part of this whole issue, as I'm sure you guys are very, very aware, and there was a lot of discussion about what language we should be using, what terms are appropriate, witchcraft or sorcery, how do we bring together the different agendas?
    So for example, of particular interest for the Special Expert of People Living with Albinism are what were called muti killings or ritual attacks on people with albinism. Often that was done not as part of an accusation of witchcraft, but because of a belief that their body parts could be used either to bring good fortune or to heal some kind of a sickness.
    And so they would be mutilated in all sorts of really horrible ways. And so there was a desire to bring these various different agendas together, which all coalesce around harm that comes from beliefs in the supernatural. So that happened in 2017, that very important meeting, which then led the sort of a core group of people to work to develop a concept note and some data intended to really support a push for a special resolution on the issue of harmful practices related to accusations of witchcraft and ritual attack. And that happened in 2021. And then as there was a follow-up expert report that was done following another meeting in 2022. 
    So the group of people who were working in that space really decided it's fantastic that there have been all of these announcements that have come out at the UN level, but there probably needs to be a lot of advocacy, a lot of networking around those different, quite high-level agreements, in order to really make change on the ground. And so our network is intended to connect people, to share initiatives, to share information, and to try to get knowledge about that special resolution out into the broader public and down to the grassroots NGOs that we hope can, can really use it.
    [00:10:37] Sarah Jack: Are there any other activities of the network that you wanna speak about?
    [00:10:42] Miranda Forsyth: So we've created a website, and the website is really intended to put in one place a lot of the information about these issues. So we've got a whole lot of videos from different parts of the world. Because I work in Melanesia, then I have to say that a lot of the content is from Papua New Guinea, but we've tried really hard to, to bring what we found in other places, as well, but to all of your listeners, if you've got other information that you would like to share with us on the website, we'd be really happy to have that.
    We're also trying to, to put out regular newsletters to let people know about what's been happening in that space, to encourage people to share their stories about what has been happening for them as well as a way, again, of raising advocacy, but also just making people realize that they're not alone.
    Cuz often being accused can be a very, very isolating and terrifying experience. And so we're hoping that by showing that this is a phenomenon that exists across the world, it impacts on wealthy men as well as poor, old women and beautiful, young women. Everybody can be a victim of this. And so we're, we're trying to create that sense of a community. Some of our members have also been really successful in getting grants. And Charlotte Baker, who's at the university, a professor at the University of Lancaster she got a grant that is going to be doing a whole range of really exciting things, but one part of it is an online advocacy program that's going to get out, online, a whole lot of materials about explaining the resolution, what, what it does and also what it doesn't do, cuz there's a lot of misunderstandings, as well, about what that resolution does. 
    So we wanna make it really clear to people this doesn't impact on your right to believe whatever you want. It doesn't impact on people's right to their culture. It doesn't impact on the really important work that's done by traditional healers, all of those things. No, it's about harmful practices, and that is the intent of that online information program, which we hope will be done in a really engaging way.
    So we've also got a photography competition that's running at the moment and that's been to encourage people to send in photos that we can use in that online advocacy program to really highlight the issue in quite, hopefully, expressive and innovative ways.
    [00:13:22] Josh Hutchinson: How did you come to be involved in this area?
    [00:13:25] Miranda Forsyth: So I was a, a volunteer prosecutor in Vanuatu, which is a small country in the South Pacific. And one of the early cases that I came across was a case where somebody had been found guilty of witchcraft, because witchcraft is still an offense in the Vanuatu penal code, or it was back then, and I was in the prosecution office, and I saw that the case had resulted in a conviction, but then it was a conviction for both witchcraft, but also murder and rape. And then the sentence was very lenient. And we decided we needed to appeal that on the basis that the sentence was manifestly inadequate. But then that also gave rise to the public defender very appropriately appealing it on the basis that the witchcraft conviction was was unsound.
    And so the case then went to the Court of Appeal, and the Court of Appeal held that, in fact, it was an unsound conviction. And said that, in the court at the moment, there is no way that you can prove witchcraft. And so really they not only struck out that conviction, but they made it pretty clear that it will be very, very hard to bring such a, a case in future because there, how do you prove that in a court of law? So that was a really important precedent, but it then opened my eyes to the fact that, oh, there is a belief in witchcraft, or nakaemas it's called in Vanuatu, or sometimes they refer to it as poisoning.
    And that belief structures people's lives in really significant ways. So it impacts on where people go, on the kinds of work that people will do, in the ways that they engage in the economy, the fear of people being jealous of them, or the fear that if somebody has done something wrong, then it's because of, of the use of sorcery or witchcraft is, is very real. And, and I thought this actually impacts then on the way, or this should impact on the way in which the Australian government does development, for example. Because if you don't understand that, and then you just do development programs without taking those cultural beliefs into account, then you're gonna run into problems.
    And so I tried to raise some awareness of that. But I found that there wasn't really much of an appetite for listening to, to what I was trying to say. And so then when I returned to Australia some years later, I was, I'd always been interested then in, in this idea of, of witchcraft and sorcery being an important feature of Melanesian society that really wasn't taken into account by Australian law and development or just generally development practitioners.
    And so I was talking with a friend of mine back in Australia who works with a lot of people in Papua New Guinea. And he started telling me about the problem of witchcraft accusations in Papua New Guinea and how, whereas in Vanuatu you'll have a murder that arises from an accusation of, of witchcraft maybe once a year, but in Papua New Guinea, he told me, no, no, no, this is happening on a really, really regular basis. 
    And so together we thought, "let's hold a conference in Australia to try to draw attention to the issue." And our target audience really was the Australian government. Just to just say we need to put this as an issue on the radar. It's not a sort of a funny, strange thing. It's a really significant human rights issue that does need to be addressed. And. It's not a matter of just saying, "oh people will be educated, and the world will change, and this will go away," because it just doesn't look like that's happening.
    And at the time that we decided to hold that conference, there was a very, very public burning of a woman in Papua New Guinea, Mrs. Leniata Kepari. That went viral. The images of her being burnt went viral across the world, so there was a lot of attention on the issue. And then some activists in Papua New Guinea got in touch with us and said, "oh, we think that this also needs a conference in Papua New Guinea." And so we said, "great, let's team up and, and hold another conference in Papua New Guinea." And so that was my first introduction to the issue in PNG and that, we held a conference in Goroka in 2013, and that brought together various different groups who were working on the issue. 
    But at that time we didn't have any shared terminology about it. We still had the, the problem, but often people would end up talking at cross purposes. Some people would be talking about the problem of sorcery. Some people would be talking about the problem of the violence that comes from sorcery accusations. So it was a constant miscommunication that was occurring, but it was clear that there were enough people who were realizing this is a problem. We don't know the scope of it, but we are seeing it is resulting in this absolute misery for women, for men, for families being displaced, and something needed to be done. So I then became involved with the core leaders of that conference, and that journey has continued ever since, really.
    [00:19:05] Sarah Jack: You spoke a little bit about Melanesia and what a important place that has in your work. Can you tell us what is currently going on in Melanesia with sorcery violence?
    [00:19:17] Miranda Forsyth: Melanesia is made up of a number of different countries. I work primarily in Papua New Guinea, which is where the vast majority of really extreme violence related to sorcery accusations occurs. You do have, as I mentioned, these cases in Vanuatu and in Solomon Islands, to an extent, but it's so much less significant than it is in Papua New Guinea.
    In Papua New Guinea, we don't actually know what the population is. It's between 9 and 17 million. It is expanding quite rapidly, there's a big youth bubble, and it is one of those countries that has got the resource curse that some people call it. So there are quite a lot of big mining, natural gas projects, but in general the levels of wealth of the population have certainly not increased as you would've hoped, given the immense natural resources of the country. 
    There is a, what some have called an epidemic of sorcery accusation-related violence in Papua New Guinea. We, after a number of years, managed to to come to an agreement on that terminology, sorcery accusation-related violence, because it really identifies the fact that it is the accusation of sorcery that is the real issue that we are targeting. And we call it SARV for short. 
    And it became clear that it is an issue. It's very hidden, though, as I'm sure again, many would've told you on this on this program, and as you would know, a lot of these cases are just not reported. They're not reported to the police. When people go to hospital, they don't say that they're had these injuries because of an accusation of sorcery because that puts them at, at more harm of being reaccused, unfortunately. We've also heard of cases where, patients are in hospital seeking care and then groups will come in and take them out and re-torture them.
    We became aware that this is a massive problem, but we don't know the scale of it. So the only data sources that we have are the newspapers and the national courts database that reports the few cases that are actually prosecuted. In order to try to understand what is the scope of these and who are the people who are being accused and what circumstances are they accused in and who are the perpetrators and what kinds of harms do people face and who tries to stop them and what kind of prevention activities occur and who looks after the victims afterwards and how are they reintegrated into their communities? Like all of those questions we just didn't know the answers to. And so I've been leading a research project that's been trying to find the answers to those questions for the past 10 years or so.
    And we, we still can't exactly say how many cases there are, but we did quite a detailed case collection in four provinces over four years, and we documented 1,500 or so cases of accusation and about a third of those led to physical violence. But of course, the ones that even didn't lead to physical violence, you still have stigmatization, which has an incredible psychological toll on people. People talk about the fact that they've got this brand on their forehead that they can just never, ever wash off or get rid of. Anytime something goes wrong in the community, then they are afraid that they are going to be reaccused.
    [00:23:14] Josh Hutchinson: And what causes an accusation?
    [00:23:18] Miranda Forsyth: Okay. So I have come up with an explanatory metaphor to try to explain what happens because it's clear that there is no one factor, right? This is a really complex phenomenon. So we have to understand that there are many things that come together, in order for an accusation to occur and then to lead to violence.
    So I find it helpful to think of a wildfire and to think first of all of the idea that you need to have a conducive landscape, right? So when, for a wildfire, you need to have a dry landscape with lots of buildup of of fuel. But for a sorcery accusation, the kind of conducive landscape, there's a cultural and there's a socioeconomic dimension to it. From the cultural dimension, you need to have a population in which there is a belief that if misfortune occurs, it can be the result of somebody using supernatural forces in a deliberate or a unconscious way. So that's the worldview, if you like, of an acceptance of a magical explanation for misfortune.
    But often that, that worldview will coexist with other worldviews. We call that worldview pluralism. So often, people will be open to that explanation, but they'll also be open to a more scientific explanation or else to a Christian explanation of that it is God, for example, who's responsible for whether people live or die. So long as there is a magical worldview, then that's part of the conducive landscape. 
    Then often you have situations where there is poverty, there is uncertainty for one reason or another. That might be because of increasing pressures on land caused by population growth or caused by drought, caused by earthquake. So those are some other features of that conducive landscape. 
    Also when you're thinking about the conducive landscape, you can think about things like ongoing land disputes. So the community is already somewhat tense, there's already antagonisms between different groups. 
    So the conducive landscape, then you often need to have a trigger event, and that trigger event we find is often a death or a sickness, particularly a death of a child or a sort of an unusual death. But a lot of people say there is no such thing as a normal death. Almost any death can potentially be seen as having been caused by sorcery. So that trigger event then gives rise to suspicions, to gossip.
    These are often aired at what are called haus krai or funerals that can take place over many days. And and so there's a lot of people together, gossiping and there's concerns raised about, okay, well how did this happen? And then often you have people who will then come in and who will crystallize those sort of suspicions by naming and accusing somebody in a particular way. And those people in Papua New Guinea are often called a glassman, or a glassmeri, like a diviner kind of a person. Although can be Christian prayer warriors, as well, who will often identify individuals, in order to pray over them. So there's a slightly different motivation between the glassmeri, glassman and the prayer warrior. The glassman and glassmeri are often paid for their services, and this falls into that category that some of my colleagues call a spiritual entrepreneur, who really benefits from these things, seen to have the power to make these kinds of identifications. So then that crystallization of the belief, also it can be used by people who have got something to benefit from the person being accused.
    So often you hear people talking about the fact that, oh, accusations are just motivated by economic reasons. People want somebody's land, and so therefore they'll make an accusation of sorcery, it's not a real belief in sorcery. I think that that's too simplistic. I think that when there is that belief in play, then it's there, it plays a role. But for sure, people do deliberately make accusations in ways that benefit them. But they might also think, "we've had this land dispute, so that is the most likely person to have caused that particular death, as well." it's chicken and egg to an extent. 
    But we have certainly documented many, many cases where, for example, a brother will accuse his brother's wife of sorcery, of having killed him in order to then obtain his land. And that kind of person then will also be present in that discussion about, okay then, so someone's accused, what are we gonna do? And then leading towards the decision to engage in violence. And of course this isn't always just, it's not a, a something that is discussed in a rational way a lot of the time as well. There's, it's a very emotional process, but often it can take a while to happen. Sometimes it happens very, very quickly, and it's just a sort of a really trigger combustion event.
    But sometimes it can build, there can be suspicions for a little bit of time before the violence erupts. And then once the violence erupts, then it really becomes a mob, a collective, violent event. And we've documented in a lot of the cases, there's, 20, 30, 40 people who are involved in the particular case.
    That's one pattern that we see. And the people who are doing the accusing, like in many other parts of the world, often have some kind of a relationship with the person who's being accused. So often it's a blood connection, and often there is already some sort of an ongoing tension. It might be over land, it might be because of a case of polygamy, or it might be a jealousy of one sort or another. 
    The victims that we've found can be both, as I've said, men and women. It very much depends on the particular part of Papua New Guinea that we're talking about. In some places it's almost entirely women, in some places it's almost entirely men, and in other places it'll generally be families that are accused, so you have both. When we've done our newspaper analysis, then we've found that it's about 50/50 overall men and women. But that sort of general explanation doesn't take into account those regional differences, which really show that it is a highly gendered phenomenon.
    It seems to be connected, like who is being accused is very much connected with the kind of narrative over sorcery and witchcraft that exists. In some places up in the highland, there are, there's reference to sanguma, who are generally seen as women who eat people's hearts. Whereas in Bougainville there's generally reference to poison man who will take leavings of peoples, so their fingernails and their hair clippings and they will do magic on those and use that to poison people.
    So these very distinct cultural narratives seem to then feed into the gender of the person that said, we are noticing that there's a spread of these narratives, and there's a consequent changing of the genders of people being accused. So in some places where there were only men being accused, now there are women and vice versa. We're also noticing that children are starting to be accused, which is a really disturbing trend, as well. 
    The wildfire trajectory that I identified, that has come through from the surveys that we've done and from a lot of the newspaper reports. But interestingly, when we look at the cases that are reported in the national courts, then they generally involve only a few perpetrators. And they generally involve male victims. it's really quite interesting the difference in the cases that get to court, whether or not that's because only a few individuals are actually caught, I'm not sure. There was one case in Papua New Guinea where 97 perpetrators were caught, charged, and imprisoned, which was a really amazing job by the police and by the courts. Of course, that then creates a whole lot of pressures on the state criminal justice system. But in general it's only a few people who are involved in the attack.
    [00:32:45] Sarah Jack: Is there like an element where it's like with Christianity, those who fear witches in Christianity would attach it to covenanting with the devil?
    [00:32:56] Miranda Forsyth: The role of Pentecostal Christianity in Papua New Guinea in this space is really interesting and something that quite a lot of my colleagues have written about, me less. As I mentioned, the prayer warriors, there's often an emphasis on exorcism of evil spirits and so forth. So certainly those beliefs get merged together with the beliefs in witchcraft and sorcery.
    [00:33:26] Sarah Jack: Yeah. It's Josh, which of the films were we watching yesterday on YouTube? 
    [00:33:33] Josh Hutchinson: Everybody's Business.
    [00:33:34] Sarah Jack: Yeah, 
    [00:33:35] Miranda Forsyth: Oh, yeah. 
    [00:33:36] Sarah Jack: And I noticed, I was very intrigued by the fear of a Dracula and how some of the interviewed persons said, "we don't really know who he is or what he is or what she is," but it is a feared thing. That's very interesting that something that they don't really understand has such a grip.
    [00:33:58] Miranda Forsyth: The thing that we know about witchcraft beliefs or witchcraft doubts, I think that there's a really interesting movement to change that around and to show how really what witchcraft is about is more doubting, it's uncertainty. We don't exactly know what's going on, what's causing it, and so that makes it such a flexible, malevolent thing that can metamorphosize and become very, very modern. It can take concepts like Dracula and somehow permeate through them and make them into something that is scary, but unknown and unknowable. And that increases its power. We also hear things about mobile phones being used for sorcery and parliaments where witches go and sit and discuss and plot.
    So there's lots and lots of these tropes of modernity, if you like, that are very much brought into the discourse around witchcraft and sorcery in Papua New Guinea. So the idea about Dracula, I think that was a few years ago. I don't know if that's still the case now, but these different ideas come and go and they're all part of that same generalized fear of the supernatural.
    [00:35:14] Josh Hutchinson: Really hearing a lot of similarities between what we've heard about other parts of the world from Dr. Leo Igwe, for example, has told us about Africa using the witch planes now. So they're integrating modern technologies into belief and just the causes and even similarities to early modern European witch hunts. When you talk about all the factors that have to be in play, that's exactly what we saw with something like Salem. And a lot of the reasons, underlying reasons behind the accusations were the same. I'm wondering if you could if you're seeing the same kinds of similarities or if there's more, is it, are there more differences than that I'm not picking up on.
    [00:36:09] Miranda Forsyth: No, I see lots of similarities as well. Really interestingly, I was reading some work by Will Pooley. Has been looking at the witchcraft accusations in France, I think up until 1940. Starting from early modern periods up until quite recently, and I just kept on circling everything and saying, yes, this really resonates, this really resonates, the way in which the doubts and the fears change, the way in which the courts are uncertain. The justice system has had to shift in terms of how to address the problem, but it still creates problems and uncertainty. In Papua New Guinea, they repealed the Sorcery Act 1971 in 2013, but still people will talk about the Sorcery Repeal Act, as if that's a new act that's intended to repeal sorcery.
    And it's, there's just been a tremendous amount of confusion about it. People feeling if the government isn't going to be protecting us against this, then who will? And therefore that then, in a way, gives legitimacy to to vigilantism. And I think that those were also some of the real dilemmas that apparently, according to the historical record, that judges and other criminal justice figures were having to deal with back in those days, as well. Because what do police do if somebody comes to them and says, I'm really concerned that this person caused that particular death and is going to keep on causing deaths in my community, police officer, we need help. That's a very difficult position for a police officer to be in. They've got the law, which says, there is no such crime as sorcery. And yet they know that if they don't do something, then it's likely that people will just take the law into their own hands. These dilemmas are very, very real and I think that they were very real back in the day, as well.
    So I was also reading that people were using. Again, back in France, people were using the law of defamation or slander as a way of trying to clear their names. And that's something that's been happening in Papua New Guinea, as well. Interestingly, I think a slightly more than it was in the past, I've been, again, looking through the court database, and there seem to be an increasing number of successful cases where people are able to go to the court and the court will make a statement.
    But still you ask the question, does that always put those doubts to rest? Does it make the person entirely safe? Maybe not. But if the consequence of actually articulating those suspicions are that you have to pay a fine, then it might stop people from publicly articulating them. And so that then means that the risk of that kind of mob violence is lessened.
    [00:39:14] Sarah Jack: One of the things that I'm thinking about that you know are a pattern over the ages is this attributing sorcery witchcraft to deaths that, in the 17th century in the American colonies, many of the women who were accused, even hanged, they were connected to a death somehow, and listening to Everybody's Business, these deaths that are happening are part of their regular, experience that there's deaths always coming for unfortunate reasons to the circumstances of the society.
    Death is so permanent. It's so devastating to these families, to the communities. It's a severe, severe misfortune, and it's coming to terms with that. This is just the innocent ending of a life. How do you overcome that in a community?
    [00:40:13] Miranda Forsyth: I think that's a really important point, Sarah. I think that it goes to the trauma that people often feel that when they're grieving and there aren't trauma counselors in Papua New Guinea. There isn't a lot of support for people who have children, for example, who die.
    And one way then of somehow getting rid of those terrible feelings of despair and hurt is to make this accusation. It seems to be a way, of releasing that torture that they're going through in a way that they can't in any other way. So I think that that is a really important insight.
    So I've spoken a lot about the causes and the drivers and the sort of the momentum that pushes these accusations and this violence to occur, but I haven't yet spoken about any of the interventions, which I think is an also a really important part of the story. The thing that really drives me, I think to working in Papua New Guinea on this topic, which is such a a horrific topic in many ways, is the extraordinary.
    Commitment of so many individuals across the country to try to do something about the issue, to step in to do prevention campaigns, to rescue people who have been accused, and then to try to work with victims and to rehabilitate them. So one of the, in terms of I suppose early interventions, we found what seems to be quite successful is being able to work with, so whoever the sort of the activist is being able to work with the family, the direct family, of the dead person.
    So say for example, you've got a situation where there's been a death in the family Then going to the family members and saying to them, it might be that there will be an accusation of sorcery as a result of this death. And it's really important that you guys stand up and say, we're not going to be making accusations of sorcery, so the activist needs to work with those family members, cuz those family members will have the moral authority to say no in a way that nobody else has that authority.
    And so if they are able to be convinced that, yeah, that's not a path that we want to go down, then that can stop that accusation from happening right at the outset. So that means that, for example, working with health workers is really, really important, because the way that they communicate the information about sickness and death can really either set the whole thing on a path where it's likely that there will be violence, or it can really try to mitigate the risk of violence. They're a really important sector that probably haven't been sufficiently brought into the work of advocacy, as yet, certainly not in Papua New Guinea, although it has that has started. So there was one workshop done with health workers and it was a really eyeopening experience. So we're hoping that that will be continued. So that's one kind of strategy that's being used. 
    Also the village court magistrates, so village courts are the lowest level of the formal justice system in Papua New Guinea, and they also have a lot of moral authority in the community, and they're able to do things such as issue preventative orders to say, okay, people are not allowed to to start to take the law into their own hands. That can also work in some context. 
    Some communities have got together and have said, this is such a problem for us, that we're creating our own community bylaws. And so we're saying that there will not be any accusations of witchcraft in our community. And if there are, then people have to pay a certain fine. So they might also try to say we're not gonna do tribal fighting, and there's not gonna be gambling, and there's not gonna be drinking after 10 o'clock at night, and these kind of rules that work for the community. But often then they'll include sorcery accusations as part of those.
    Then we also find that it's a question of trying many different messages and having many different voices speaking those messages generally, in order for the the violence to stop. But once things get to a certain point, then there's very little that that can be done to stop it at that point. That's when it's a matter of going in and trying to rescue, and that's where we find the police working with civil society organizations is of critical importance. The police officers are unable to do that alone, but working with that local knowledge means that even though it involves taking some risks, they are, and they have been able to successfully rescue a lot of people. it's unfortunate that it does require people often putting their lives at risk. And we've just seen some extraordinary acts of bravery, both by activists and by police officers on a regular basis. 
    So the police are often chastised for not doing enough in Papua New Guinea in relation to this issue. And there's no doubt that there are a lot of failings and there's a lot of challenges. But. I think it's also really important to identify that there are individual police officers who, on a regular basis, go way beyond the call of duty, in order to rescue people in the throes of these kind of violent attacks.
    And they use all kinds of strategies in order to do then also a lot of the survivors themselves, when we've talked about, what, what happened, how did you get away? They've told us quite extraordinary stories, too, of their real ingenuity and creativity in somehow smuggling mobile phones in and contacting people and the kinds of stories that they've told in order to get people to release them. It's a testimony to the bravery, again, of those men and women, and some of them as well, who talk about the fact that they're being tortured, and they're asked to name others, and they refuse. And again, I just cannot imagine what level of bravery that requires. For a lot of them, their Christian faith is very important. And they talk about that as being something that, that somehow sustains them through it.
    And then afterwards, for the survivors, this is a very, very difficult situation. Because as I said, survivors are often so vulnerable, so much at risk of reaccusation. And how do you go back into a community where people have been involved in causing that kind of extreme pain on you? This is for those who do survive. 
    So we've found that some some programs will offer safe houses for survivors to go to with their families. But that's a kind of a short term solution, and it's it's a bit unsatisfactory. It's absolutely necessary, but it's only one part of the solution.
    Then other NGOs have developed programs really to give a sort of a startup pack again for somebody, who then they will move with their family into the capital city, for example, , or down to another place, which, which can work. But sometimes as well, there is a precarity because stories do follow people and it's hard to recreate a whole new identity.
     That issue of reintegration is a real problem. We've found successful cases of reintegration occur when there's been quite a lot of work done with the community and with the people who have done the accusation and the perpetrators as well. And the people who accuse and the people who are the perpetrators are not always the same. But when there is what appears to be a genuine expression of remorse, when there is a payment that's been made in a customary way, it's called a compensation payment in Papua New Guinea, and that's a way that a lot of disputes are resolved, so when that customary payment has been made, when the survivor is somewhat emotionally ready to return, and there is support from the pastors, the village court magistrates, and the police, like everybody together saying, okay, "this reintegration is happening, this person is here," and the police say, "we're watching, we've got our eyes on this person, and we are gonna be coming back, and we're gonna be checking that she or he or that family is okay." In those circumstances, we've found that reintegration can be successful.
    I've just got a colleague who is visiting here from Hela Province in Papua New Guinea, and he has just started identifying the major problem of SARV in his province. His province is known primarily for tribal fighting. But he says actually SARV is a major problem there as well. And And he was struggling with the thought of what do I do for these for these victims?
    Some are mothers who have just given birth like the day before who have to flee into the bushes. And he was sinking, okay, I want to build a safe house, but I'm gonna build a safe house in the epicenter of the SARV accusations. I'm going to build a safe house as a challenge to the community to say it's not the right thing to do. And he's got a group of young men who have decided that they are going to defend that safe house. Whoever the victims are who come, they're going to defend them. And they're building around that safe house a garden, a huge garden that will support the safe house, that will give a mean of in means of income for the people who live there, so that it will be a sustainable safe house. They're also building a library, so hopefully they can do education of the community. And I think they're building a soccer field as well, so that, again, there can be social events that can occur. And we've seen that quite often, that communities, when they're starting an initiative to try to counter a social problem like SARV, then they'll often think about what is the economic dimension to this? What is the social dimension to this? 
    [00:51:20] Sarah Jack: It's so hopeful, because of all the elements that they're incorporating in for protecting the accused and the rehabilitation. I couldn't help but think about the Ghana witch camps while you were talking about refugees of, short term protection, but then integration like all of those pieces are real issues. And we see that the long-term refugee camps aren't offering the survivors a way to get back into society and to find purpose and strength and their dignity. So I'm really excited to hear this effort in this community. I think it sounds very promising and it's giving people a reason to band together for the good.
     Memorialization is like a really important effort in some parts of the country right now, some parts of the world right now, where most witch hunting and accused are a part of the historic past and remembrance, tributes, having a way to pay tribute to ancestors, if, that kind of thing is really big part of what's happening in the United States and Connecticut and in Scotland they're trying. How does memorialization work in a situation where there is so much current accusation and violence? Is there a purpose for it? Is there a way that it could be beneficial?
    [00:52:56] Miranda Forsyth: Yeah, that's a really interesting question and as soon as you were saying that, what sprung to mind for me was the efforts by an activist Ruth Kissam, who heard about, I mentioned that case of Leniata Kepari. She's a woman from Enga, and she found that Leniata Kepari's remains had been in the morgue in the hospital for a year, and she just decided, this isn't right. I'm not going to let this happen, and so she went and she got the remains, and she buried her, and she made a sign and a plaque. And that was a really important moment for the movement. It really was somebody stepping up and saying, "this woman has got a right to be buried, and we should all like grieve for her and we should all feel the sorrow for what happened to her."
    And I think that, although that's just been the only one that I know of, it was very powerful, and Ruth has gone on to be an extraordinary activist for this cause. And so I think there probably is a role for that a little bit more. There's been a regular movement as well called the Haus Krai Movement, which is intended to raise awareness, not just about SARV, but also about gender-based violence.
    And so that's another way in which that happens on a regular basis, but probably there needs to be more of that kind of memorialization that occurs, because everybody, it seems, knows somebody who has lost somebody because of SARV. It is such a pervasive issue, unfortunately, in Papua New Guinea.
    I haven't spoken about the Papua New Guinea national Action Plan. So the National Action Plan was developed in 2015, and that was really intended to take a holistic approach to say, you can't just think about this issue as a law and order issue. It's not, although it is, there, there's all of these different things. You need to have the education part, you need to have the health sector part, you need to have the care and counseling part, you need to have the research part. And so it was a really exciting plan that was promoted. It's been driven by the Department of Justice and Attorney General, by the leadership of some really fantastic women for a long time now. Getting on for a decade of work on that.
    And so the the plan, of course, like many plans in developing countries, has really suffered from a lack of funding. But what has kept it going and what has kept SARV on the agenda, I think has been the sort of this core committee that met for many years. It fell down a little bit during Covid, but it's being resurrected now. That just kept on saying, this is an issue. Hey, is there any funding available for doing any programs under the plan, even though the plan was not being funded by the government, although there more recently, it just has started to be funded to an extent, which is fantastic. There were these individuals motivated, looking for ways that they could access fund to do different activities underneath the plan.
    And for example the Australian government has been funding a series of trainings on how to deal with SARV for the police and for the village court magistrates. My colleague, William Kipongi, in Papua New Guinea just recently attended one of those trainings and presented our research findings. There were 30 senior police officers who were there for a week working through these issues, understanding the way in which the law works. There was a recent amendment to the law last year that specifically targets glassman and glassmeri and also makes accusations of witchcraft or sorcery a criminal offense.
    And so talking them through how to go about charging people and the prosecution process, these are really important developments that have occurred. And the aim of that core committee and of the plan itself is to ensure that this is a holistic response, but also that everybody who is working on the issue in Papua New Guinea is on the same page.
    If everybody does these isolated little initiatives, that's not actually going to lead to transformative change. But if they can be joined together, can be working with each other, sharing insights, spreading the same message, then we know that that is how change occurs. And so I think that that central coordinating role is a really important one.
    The challenge now is to make sure that it develops roots that go really down to the very, very local levels, and that part is probably still missing and is the next stage of development, I really hope.
    [00:58:14] Josh Hutchinson: I know that Papua Gua is one of the most, if not the most culturally and linguistically diverse nations in the world. And how does that present challenges? Are people able to work through those issues generally?
    [00:58:33] Miranda Forsyth: Yeah. I believe it is the most culturally and linguistically diverse country. There's over 800 different languages. It's just extraordinary. And that is, I think, also what characterizes the Papua New Guinean people of their enormous creativity and inventive spirit and the way in which they are able to hold multiple different perspectives in their heads at one time.
    I'm always inspired to think in much more flexible ways. Although of course I end up returning to my sort of Western lawyer trained sort of Cartesian mindset, but then I'm challenged to get out of that and to try to see things from different perspectives. And I think that it is that ability to see things from different perspectives that mean that we haven't found that any workshops, for example, it's been a problem that people have got these different cultural beliefs.
    Interestingly, often people will find the cultural beliefs, the sort of the witchcraft, the sorcery cultural beliefs from other places to be quite strange. And they'll say, oh, I believe that, but then it doesn't, it doesn't mean that they don't hold their own beliefs, which the others think are just really strange any less strongly. I haven't done enough research into finding out, like I should do some interviews to find out, oh, did learning that different people have got these different beliefs, does that change how you feel about these things? I imagine they, that it wouldn't, I think we all know that people believe different things, but as I've said, witchcraft doesn't all just happen in the brain.
    There's an emotional dimension to it as well that I think we really need to pay cognizance to.
    [01:00:17] Josh Hutchinson: The fear is very real and how deeply it affects you. It's such a, a foundational belief, how you view the world.
    [01:00:28] Miranda Forsyth: It structures people's lives in very profound ways.
    [01:00:31] Sarah Jack: How can we ask our listeners to help? How can we ask, the population of the globe to get involved personally, and I was thinking today while you were talking, there are folks who have very specific skills and influence and pull, maybe in the healthcare industry, how can those people who wanna be able to use that influence support these efforts?
    [01:00:59] Miranda Forsyth: I suppose get in touch with me, and I can contact them with people who are working in that space. There is a group of scholars who are working with colleagues in Papua New Guinea to try to develop a program that would train those frontline healthcare workers in order to be able to better address concerns about sorcery and better communicate causes of death and sickness in ways that are going to alleviate the problem of sorcery accusations.
    So that's, a program that I really hope does get funding. I know that they're putting in an application for that now, but I think that support in that way, developing materials, that can be used in that kind of training program is important. But often what we find again, and again and again, is that outside initiatives are not gonna be very effective. It needs to be something that is generated by those who are on the ground, who understand, who have that absolute local knowledge and legitimacy. But what outsiders can do is to support those people who are on the ground. So I call this inside-outside networked change. You've got those insiders who are then connected with outsiders, who then can network in ways that can lead to this more transformative change.
    And we're starting to see that happening in Papua New Guinea, a lot of NGOs for example, and a lot of the churches, as well, who are doing very good things are connected then with outsiders and able to provide emotional, support for the case of the church people, spiritual support, and also resources, in order to keep that work going. So I think that finding out what are those local initiatives where are they working, how do they need help, having that conversation, listening, not assuming that outsiders have got the answers, as we unfortunately have a strong history of doing, but really listening. What help do you need? Then that is the way to support what's going on, I think in Papua New Guinea.
    I should also say that as part of the international network, one of the things that we're planning to do is to hold a conference next year in Lancaster again. So there was one in 2019, and again professor Charlotte Baker is the one, together with Dr. Sam Spence, who is leading this. And hopefully that will also raise a whole lot more awareness. And historically we haven't had much engagement from the US in these issues. And it would be fantastic to have more involvement, because I think that there's a lot that each can learn about, what's happening today, what's happened in the past but also I read a case in the US where there was a pastor who accused members of his congregation of being witches. It doesn't seem to me that it is such , a farfetched thing to think that it does occur, although in a very, very hidden way, in the United States, even today. 
    In the UK, they've started paying attention to the issue of what they call child abuse linked to spiritual possession. And they now are documenting like, I think over a thousand cases a year of that kind of abuse of children, because you know of the belief in witchcraft. And these are contemporary issues that are in the center of the western world, as well as in places such as Papua New Guinea.
    So all of us coming together and seeing it as a problem really that that comes from the unfortunate human tendency to blame others to seek to scapegoat when things go wrong, rather than to try to work as a community to, to address problems. Yeah, there, there's probably a lot of benefit in that.
    [01:05:02] Josh Hutchinson: Yes, we do have a lot of that in the U.S. What you talked about. There's a lot of belief. We spoke with Boris Gershman about his report on witchcraft belief in the world.
    [01:05:16] Miranda Forsyth: Such great work that he's done.
    [01:05:18] Josh Hutchinson: So brilliant. And but he estimated that or calculated that 16% of the US population believes in this harmful power of witchcraft. And so it's very real. We do hear cases from time to time that get into the media about someone accusing someone of witchcraft and unfortunately attacking them. And so it's not entirely foreign to the US. It's something that we have to deal with on our own, and hopefully raising more awareness of that can have some impact.
    And we're looking at ways that we can help with making the American public aware of what's going on internationally, because everybody that we meet is so surprised to hear what's occurring, even though we see it from time to time in our own country.
    [01:06:24] Miranda Forsyth: Mm. Yeah, absolutely. That's the thing as well that I've found that again and again, people say, oh my goodness, it's the 21st century and this is happening. And I say it's the 21st century, that's why it's happening. Like these things are very much a result of pressures of modernity on communities and that this unfortunately is a symptom of those pressures. And, the trajectory of the world everywhere seems to be signifying that there is going to be more uncertainty, more precarity, more poverty. And so the likelihood of these kind of accusations is going to be intensified. And the thing with a sorcery accusation is that you take an already unfortunate situation and then you put a sorcery accusation in and it just makes it 10 times worse.
    Like for example, we think about refugee camps. Already these are places of extreme misery, and yet they're documenting, Accusations of sorcery happening within those camps. This is just a major, major problem. And again, it's one of those things that it is a little bit, as I said, like wildfire. It's contagious. It expands. And so that's why working on prevention is so absolutely critical. And there's not enough work on prevention that's occurring, because people will ignore it as a problem until it gets out of control and then the genie is out of the bottle and it's very difficult to do something about it.
    So I totally commend what you guys are doing in terms of raising awareness of the problem. I hope that more people do pay attention to it. We really hope that the That the resolution, the UN resolution, and the expert report, and their recommendations are really taken up by nation states across the world.
    It would be great if the US also put significant attention into that to see what could be done there. Papua New Guinea was listed as one of the five countries under the US Global Fragility Act. And that means that it is a target for support for the US government over the next 10 years. It's a really fantastic new way of thinking about doing development and doing conflict prevention in a number of countries across the world. And I really hope that ending SARV could be one of the contributions of the US through that global Fragility Act.
    [01:08:51] Josh Hutchinson: So I'm thinking one thing Americans can do is contact their elected officials in Washington and say, "hey, this is going on. You need to be aware of this, and you need to be doing something about it."
    [01:09:07] Miranda Forsyth: Yeah. And if they want like directions as to what needs to be done about it, that expert report that's come out has got a whole lot of really fantastic recommendations that can be followed. So we've put all of those things on the website. You could encourage your listeners to go and to have a look at our website.
    [01:09:25] Josh Hutchinson: That's an excellent point. And that website is so wonderful. It's full of those resources. You have, the Papua New Guinea National Action Plan, the Pan-African Parliament Guidelines, and those really also talk about the steps you outlined, the holistic approach and what needs to be done.
    [01:09:49] Sarah Jack: And now Mary Bingham is back for a Minute with Mary. 
     
    [01:10:00] Mary Bingham: I spent a lot of time with my grandmother when I was young. She was the one who provided me with the gift of music and family research. I still have the cassette tapes of her telling me her childhood stories about her abusive stepfather, her passive mother, my wonderful grandfather, and so many other life stories which held my interest. Grammy was a great storyteller. 
    One other thing we did together from time to time was to use the Ouija board. Yes, we allegedly conjured up some of my grandfather's Irish ancestors to ask them from which county in Ireland they immigrated, but I digress. On another occasion, I was sitting on Grammy's couch with my foot on a nearby empty rocking chair. I started to rock the empty chair. You would've thought I committed the gravest sin known to humankind. Grammy turned to me with a very stern look on her face and a bit of fire in her deep set eyes, placed her index finger over her tightly pursed lips, all the while motioning me to stop rocking the empty chair with her other hand. I was too scared and too young to question her. Today, more than 40 years later, I know why, and it simply does not make sense. Grammy thought I was inviting evil spirits into her house. If she didn't want the evil spirits in her house, then why did she enjoy playing with the Ouija board periodically? Wouldn't using that contraption do the same thing? So here's a prime example as to why superstitions are certainly not logically based.
    Let's travel to Papua New Guinea for a moment. Michael Wesch, a resident of Papua New Guinea, six years ago told a story of a man named Codinine, a very active, healthy man living in a local village. Codinine suddenly became ill with a swollen stomach and thinning arms. Because the superstitions of witchcraft were very real to Codinine, he thought witches shot him with an invisible arrow in the stomach, then assaulted him at night and ate the flesh from his arms. Instead of seeing a healthcare professional, Codinine saught the treatment of a shaman. 
    The residents of this village in Papua New Guinea are interdependent community. The people rely on each other to survive, building strong communal relationships. The shaman told Codinine that someone in his community, who prepared a sweet potato as part of a communal meal, performed witchcraft on a small part of the potato before handing it over for consumption. According to the shaman, Codinine ate the bewitched part of the potato.
    Long story short, Codinine died from this illness. Someone could have been accused of performing witchcraft, but luckily Michael Wesch stepped in. Using what he calls a reasonable and empathic approach, Michael and his father agreed to compensate Codinine's family to restore the community. Lives were saved, though sadly, Codinine's was not. If Codinine had received scientific medical intervention, he may also still be alive today.
    Thank you.
     
    [01:13:40] Sarah Jack: Thank you, Mary.
    [01:13:42] Josh Hutchinson: Now here's Sarah with End Witch Hunts News.
     
    [01:13:52] Sarah Jack: End Witch Hunts, a Nonprofit 501(c)(3), Weekly News Update. The following quote is from the wildfire story map that Miranda mentioned in today's episode. Quote, "sorcery accusation-related violence is a worldwide phenomenon. The deaths, mutilations, displacement, and stigmatization arising from accusations of sorcery are often hidden. It's time for a large-scale, coordinated response to what are not unique, one-off incidents, but in fact a wildfire of sorcery accusation -related violence. There is an urgent need for courageous and consistent public leadership," end quote. 
    How do we engage influential individuals in collective action against modern witch hunts? How do we motivate them to use purposeful and additional efforts to stop accusations against alleged witches? We start by talking about the facts, teaching the reality, and seeing ourselves as influencers. 
    The impact of this violence is real and deep on precious families in our world. Instead of thinking of these victims as strangers, who certainly experience different evil and look differently, strangers who must believe differently about the supernatural and sound differently, and strangers who clearly live differently and have different rituals and traditions, intentionally think about them as part of a precious family.
     Is your family precious? When we look at the witch trial stories like the one of Rebecca Nurse from Salem in 1692, do we think her family was precious? What about Sarah, Dorothy, and Dorothy Good Jr? Do we believe that was a precious family? We do. The families that you heard about in today's episodes are precious and need our help. When a mother, father, or child is targeted in sorcery accusation violence, the family unit is traumatized. The harm alters them forever. They need help from influential persons that can stand with them and help them intercede. Who are the influential persons that can intercede? Who are the influential persons that can stand with them? It's me. It's you. It's us. 
    Take action in the specific ways that you know you can today. Join organized groups of people who are working as advocates against witchcraft fear and sorcery accusation-related violence. These advocates are people like you and me. They are people across the globe from different cultures, different religions, and with different skills and professions, but they're coming together to protect the vulnerable. This diversity gives us strength. 
    No one else advocating is just like you. What you hold back will be missing from the work. Please join us with your particular personal contribution. If you can contribute money, do it now. If you can write about what's happening, do it now. If you can talk about it from the front of your classroom or sanctuary, do it at your next meeting. If you can help your friends understand witch hunting over pizza and drinks, wait no longer. Get the word out, that violence against women, men, and children is seeped in witchcraft and sorcery fears. You have heard specific ways that you can start advocating. You do not have to wait to get involved. It is everybody's business to take a stand against the violence humans endure due to the supernatural fears of other humans. 
    Today's guest, Miranda Forsyth, has created a story map to help us better understand sorcery accusation-related violence. She portrays it as a wildfire that starts small but can become a raging inferno with sparks spreading to ignite fires everywhere. The story map draws upon her research into the levels of harm and nature of the victims, as well as highlighting how much fire can be effectively fought and ideally prevented. Go to our show notes today and click the link to the story map. Please be warned that the real life content is graphic and upsetting and conveys the extremity of the violence that is occurring.
    Thou Shalt Not Suffer podcast is a project of End Witch Hunts organization. End Witch Hunts has specific projects to effectively fight these fires. We seek to prevent them in the future. We educate the public about witch hunts past and present and work to identify witch-hunt mentalities and prevent injustice. We actively work to End Witch Hunts every day, when we bring awareness through our social media channels and writing, when we offer education through podcasting, when we team up and seek innocent alleged witch exoneration and build memorialization with community partners, when we advocate for responsive public policies and additional efforts from government, when we address witchcraft fear. Partner with us as volunteers. Financially support these active initiatives with your giving. Visit endwitchhunts.org to make a tax deductible contribution. You can also support us by purchasing books from our bookshop, merch from our Zazzle shop, or by subscribing as a Thou Shalt Not Suffer Podcast super listener for as little as $3 a month at thoushaltnotsuffer.com.
    Keep your eye on our Zazzle store, as we're getting ready to offer some great new designs. Sport one of our awesome shirts and introduce people to the podcast or one of our projects by leaving your house looking cool.
     
    [01:18:38] Josh Hutchinson: Thank you, Sarah.
    [01:18:40] Sarah Jack: You're welcome.
    [01:18:42] Josh Hutchinson: And thank you for listening to Thou Shall Not Suffer: The Witch Trial Podcast.
    [01:18:46] Sarah Jack: Join us next week.
    [01:18:49] Josh Hutchinson: Subscribe wherever you get your podcasts.
    [01:18:52] Sarah Jack: See our full episode catalog at thoushaltnotsuffer.com
    [01:18:57] Josh Hutchinson: Remember to tell your friends, family, and neighbors.
    [01:19:01] Sarah Jack: Support our efforts to end sorcery accusation-related violence.
    [01:19:05] Josh Hutchinson: Visit endwitchhunts.org to learn more.
    [01:19:10] Sarah Jack: Please rate and review on Apple Podcasts or wherever you're listening.
    [01:19:14] Josh Hutchinson: And have a great today and a beautiful tomorrow. 
    
  • Karin Helmstaedt on Why Witch Hunts are not just a Dark Chapter from the Past

    https://feeds.buzzsprout.com/2045153.rss

    Show Notes

    Learn about witch trials in the Holy Roman Empire and the deadly witch hunts occurring today. We interview Deutsche Welle presenter Karin Helmstaedt about her documentary, “Why Witch Hunts are not just a Dark Chapter from the Past,” which you can watch on YouTube. Karin tells us about her ancestors burned as witches in Winningen, Germany, and we learn nuances of the trials in that area. We discuss the current global crisis of violence against persons accused of witchcraft and talk about the many similarities between witch hunts across time and space. We also connect historical social injustices to our advocacy questions: Why do we hunt witches? How do we hunt witches? How do we stop hunting witches?
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    Transcript

    [00:00:20] Josh Hutchinson: Welcome to Thou Shalt Not Suffer: The Witch Trial Podcast. I'm Josh Hutchinson.
    [00:00:25] Sarah Jack: And I'm Sarah Jack.
    [00:00:26] Josh Hutchinson: In this episode, we speak with journalist Karin Helmstaedt about her documentary, Why Witch Hunts are Not Just a Dark Chapter from the Past, which you can watch on YouTube.
    [00:00:37] Sarah Jack: The video covers European witch hunts of the past, as well as the modern global crisis of attacks on persons accused of witchcraft.
    [00:00:44] Josh Hutchinson: Check the video out after you listen to this episode. The link is in the show description.
    [00:00:49] Sarah Jack: Karin told us about her ancestors accused of witchcraft in what is now Germany.
    [00:00:53] Josh Hutchinson: And we spoke of our ancestors accused in New England.
    [00:00:57] Sarah Jack: We talked about why women are more likely to be accused of witchcraft.
    [00:01:01] Josh Hutchinson: And covered other similarities between witch hunts across time and space.
    [00:01:05] Sarah Jack: The sheer number of attacks occurring today is eye-opening.
    [00:01:10] Josh Hutchinson: Historian Wolfgang Behringer says there are now more people dying in witch hunts than ever before.
    [00:01:16] Sarah Jack: Tanzania alone has lost upwards of 30,000 people to witch-hunts since independence in 1961.
    [00:01:23] Josh Hutchinson: And these attacks are happening in over 60 nations today.
    [00:01:28] Sarah Jack: Affecting hundreds of thousands of people every year with psychological and physical violence that leads to neglect, displacement, homelessness, physical disability, and even death.
    [00:01:38] Josh Hutchinson: What lessons can we learn from past witch hunts?
    [00:01:41] Sarah Jack: And how can we apply those lessons today?
    [00:01:44] Josh Hutchinson: Witch hunts are not just a dark chapter from the past.
    [00:01:47] Sarah Jack: Here is Karin Helmstaedt, a Canadian born journalist, moderator, and TV host based in Berlin, Germany. She studied in Toronto, Montreal, and Paris, and embarked on her journalistic career in sports, writing for newspapers and magazines before making the move into broadcasting. Since 1999, she's been one of the most constant faces on Germany's foreign broadcaster, Deutsche Welle, presenting a number of news and culture magazine formats. She currently co-hosts DW's Arts and Culture News in English. Fluent in three languages, Karin is also a sought after moderator and consultant for conferences and events around Europe, with experience in a broad range of sectors, including communications, food and agriculture, and rail transport. 
    [00:02:28] Josh Hutchinson: We appreciate your film, Why Witch Hunts are Not Just a Dark Chapter from the Past. We've watched that several times and are so appreciative that you're drawing attention to the subject. Can you tell our listeners about your film?
    [00:02:45] Karin Helmstaedt: Yes, I can. Thank you for having me. It started off as an idea for a format that we developed at my network where I am currently working, Deutsche Welle. And I had this idea in my head for a very long time and didn't really know how I was going to approach it, because I knew that we had an ancestor in our family who had been burned as a witch.
    And it seemed to me that I hadn't seen any material done on witch hunts in the time that I've been at Deutsche Welle, which is really quite a long time. So I pitched the project, and it was accepted and got started with researching the witch hunts in Germany and of course in this particular community where my ancestor was.
    And I tracked down a historian who, Walter Rummel, who is just amazing because it was really just like a meeting of the minds because he did his PhD on the witch trials in that entire area of southwestern Germany. And there were a lot of them right along the Mosel River, and it was so interesting because when I called him and asked him and told him that I had this ancestor and her name was Margarethe Kröber, he was totally excited because he knew exactly who I was talking about, and he had literally gone through all of the witch trials in sort of several communities in a relatively large radius around that area and had analyzed them in terms sociologically and looking at what had motivated all of these particular cases. And so I was able to do a lot of research, a lot of really specific research with him into her case.
    And during that, I discovered, of course, that there were all kinds of other relatives, if you will. They were more distant relatives, perhaps. She's like a direct line and a kind of a great grandmother, 11 generations back, that would be. But I discovered all of these other people who had been affected and of course the entire families, and the connections that I got from Walter were a couple of other historians, Rita Voltmer being a very important one, but Wolfgang Behringer also, who was really key in alerting me to the fact that there were still witch hunts going on today. And so that in the end ended up being the arc of the story for the film.
    And that's how I ended up including the chapter on modern witch hunts and the things that are going on in places like Africa and Papua New Guinea and many places in southern South Asia and also in Latin America. We couldn't fit it all in, obviously, to the film, but we had to do a bit of a bit of a sorting out.
    But that's essentially how the film came to be. And we're very happy with it. I worked on it with a colleague of mine called Ulrike Sommer is her name, and we spent a lot of time really going through it all with a fine tooth comb and condensing, condensing, because of course we didn't have hours and hours that we could fill, but we're very happy with the result. We're very, certainly, very happy with the response.
    [00:05:55] Sarah Jack: It's been a great response. What would you like us to know about her? And I'm curious about how you knew about her history.
    [00:06:04] Karin Helmstaedt: That's an interesting story, because when I was a young teenager, I came to Germany for the first time with my family. My father is from East Germany originally and married my mom who's Canadian. So we, I grew up in Canada, but we came to Europe to visit for the first time and were visiting relatives of his mother down in the Rhein -Mosel area.
    And we visited this one aunt of his, and he told her I guess, that we were going to drive through Winningen and retrace some steps. I think there are some grave sites there as well. I don't remember those very well, because what stuck out for me was that, when this aunt said, "if you're going to Winningen, you have to visit the Hexenstein."
    And my father said, "oh, what's that?" And so he told me this when we got into the car, and of course I was 14 years old and know I was very impressionable. And the idea that we had a witch in the family, this was absolutely amazing to me. And we went to this monument, which of course is featured in the film. It's the oldest, I now know, the oldest monument to persecuted witches in Germany. It was erected in about 1925, I think. And her name is right on there. And it was just a really, it made a huge impression on me, this idea that somebody in our family all these hundreds of years ago had suffered this fate and was actually memorialized on this stone.
    It's like an obelisk, and it never left me. And it was a story that I put in on my back burner, for many years. I probably should have done something about it earlier, but you know how life is, you think things happen, and you have kids, and you move, and I ended up moving to Europe, and yeah, eventually just decided, it was also interesting because it was during the pandemic that I decided I've gotta tackle this story. I've gotta do something and make use of this time and possibly start thinking about actually doing something about this story. So that's how it started. It really goes decades back.
    [00:08:02] Josh Hutchinson: That reminds me so much of my own story of how I got interested in the witch trials, because my grandfather was from Danvers, Massachusetts, which used to be Salem Village, and there is the Rebecca Nurse Homestead, the property of one of the well-known victims of the Salem Witch Trials. And at that property there's a monument to her and there's also a monument to people who defended her, and my ancestor, Joseph Hutchinson, is on that monument, but the way they spelled the name, it's J O S apostrophe H, so it looks like it says Josh Hutchinson, which of course is my own name.
    [00:08:52] Karin Helmstaedt: It is your own name.
    [00:08:53] Josh Hutchinson: I saw that in stone at the Rebecca Nurse Homestead, and I've just been fascinated with the witch trials since then.
    [00:09:01] Karin Helmstaedt: Yeah, it's an interesting thing to look at a kind of a legacy like that. And interestingly enough, when I went to Winningen and started the research, I asked about that monument. There's very little known about the motivation for having put it up or who exactly put it up. I couldn't find an awful lot of information about that. There are mistakes on it as well. It's not complete. And as I discovered, the mother of my ancestor was actually the very first woman burnt as a witch in Winningen, so the whole thing started with her, and the date of her execution is actually wrong, as well, if you look into all of the trial records.
    So Walter Rummel ended up being really helpful to me because I bought, I, I found an old secondhand copy. I searched and searched on Amazon and found an old secondhand copy of his thesis, which is a book, and spent ages reading it, and just my jaw just kept dropping further and further, and I would get on the phone to my dad and say, "you have no idea how many people." Really quite a lot of people, because interestingly enough, of her generation, Margarethe's generation, not only she was accused of witchcraft, but also her cousin, as I say her mother already was killed 11 years before, her aunt, so the mother's sister, and then every single one of her brothers and sister-in-law. So in other words of that one particular branch of the Kröber family, they executed all the spouses. So that's interesting and we can talk a little bit more about why these things happened and what Walter Rummel was able to tell me, because even he found that pretty extraordinary that a family was so taken to the cleaners, as it were, in in that sense.
    [00:10:52] Sarah Jack: Yeah. Do you wanna speak more about that right now?
    [00:10:55] Karin Helmstaedt: It's interesting, because the historians that I spoke to, so Rita and Wolfgang and Walter, and I spent really a long time talking to all three of them. The belief is generally accepted that all of the people who were burned for witchcraft or accused of witchcraft were healers and wise women and cunning women, midwives, herbalists, all that kind of thing.
    And so that was, of course, one of my first questions when I was talking to them. And they told me that, based on their research, and this doesn't necessarily have to be the case for everywhere else, like, for instance, in places like Scotland or in places like some of the eastern European countries, but certainly in that area of Germany, and in their experience and their analyses of the trial records, which are copious in many regions, in certain regions of Germany, and in this one in particular, there's hardly a midwife to be found. That's really not the case for any of these victims. 
    So what was at work was social ladder climbing, if you will. There were sort of tiers of society, and there were levels of society that essentially wanted to take out slightly more powerful or wealthy individuals. But she came from quite a wealthy winemaking family and married into my father's mother's family, so the, that's where the Kröber name comes from. And that her husband was a judge, and he was one of a long line of judges. And afterwards his son became a judge. And a lot of these professions seemed for a while to be handed down. So you were in a bit of a social set, and it seems that another branch of his own family was not happy with the amount of wealth, I suppose, that was accumulated, the amount of influence that they had in the town, and I think it was very much a tactic to go after these men by literally taking out their wives, accusing their wives of witchcraft. And there was also the one man involved, as well, and he was one of the wealthiest people in the town at the time.
    [00:13:15] Josh Hutchinson: And you share in the film that women were about 80% of the victims in the European witch hunts and that they continue to be targeted today, as predominantly women are accused of witchcraft. Why do you think that is that women are more likely to be accused of witchcraft?
    [00:13:38] Karin Helmstaedt: That's also one of these interesting questions that I think obviously there is the misogynistic element, the fact that women had a lesser position in society at the time, and there were reasons to want to get rid of women, to get rid of uncomfortable women. But it's, I guess what was very interesting to me was to learn just how many men had been involved, and it was almost always a question of wanting to usurp their influence and their power and their wealth. With the women, it's tricky, I think. The misogynist element is there, and it was possibly very much sparked by some of those early texts by people like Heinrich Kramer, the Malleus Maleficarum, which I mentioned also in the documentary.
    These seminal texts that described what a witch was about gave rise to a lot of the imagery that was created around witches and witchcraft. And those were primarily female, simply because someone like Heinrich Kramer actually had a real bone to pick with women. He was somebody who had tried to go after a woman in Austria for witchcraft, and I think that effort was foiled, actually. And then he left Austria and wrote that book, and a lot of the trouble started there. There was trouble, there were ideas of witchcraft that had already been created by the church, but he really crystallized a lot of that.
    And great levels of description such that then the art world, and the publication of that book actually coincided also with the invention of the printing press, pretty close together, such that these texts, but also the ideas that were then able to fuel an artist's imagination, could spread a lot faster.
    And I think that's how the ideas of female evil and the ability of women to be closer to the devil and their tendencies to wanna be closer to the devil, I think that really took off in the imagination of a lot of people at the time.
     It's interesting. I guess one of the biggest surprises for me also was, there were several things that were surprising. First of all, you're surprised to hear that actually it wasn't midwives and herbalists and these wise women. Second thing was that men were involved and so that was interesting.
    But the really shocking thing to me was that basically half, over a third to half of the witches, of the people who were executed as witches, in the entire 300 years of the great European witch hunts happened in the German-speaking area. That is something really interesting and makes the whole thing incredibly complex, because you're looking at an area of the map, the Holy Roman Empire it was at the time, which was much, much bigger than modern day Germany, so that included areas of Northern Italy and actually parts of France. It also included Austria and Switzerland, the whole German speaking area. It's really shocking to think that those numbers have been, well, largely ignored for a very long time. People haven't really paid attention to that. 
    You think back to a number of the traumatic things that were happening in that part of the world at the time. And my ancestor was killed in the midst of the 30 Years War, which was just devastating and there are so many factors that influence the number of witch Hunts in Germany. That it, we probably need three hours of a podcast to go through the history. But one of the things that was so influential was climate, and this was also complete news to me. There was a phenomenon called the Little Ice Age that was going on in much of northern Europe for an incredible amount of time, literally from the 14th century all the way into the mid 19th century. That there was a very stark cooling and a lot of years of really poor harvests.
    And this climate element had a huge impact on Germany, first of all, because it's in Northern Europe, but Germany's also landlocked. Just in terms of its geographical positioning, it was really hard hit by that phenomenon, by the Little Ice Age and unable to, it didn't have sea access to mean that it could necessarily get grain and get supplies from elsewhere very easily.
    So people were really down and out, suffering great hardship at the hands of these marauding armies, the Swedes and the French, and everybody who was marching back and forth over their territory during the 30 Years War. And the other thing that I learned from Wolfgang Behringer. Wolfgang Behringer was the first one to actually do this analysis of climate and come up with this theory that actually of the 300 years of European witch hunts, it went in cycles, and you had three waves, actually. And those three waves are, interestingly enough, always about a, an entire lifetime. I guess if you look at a at the length of a long lifetime, 70 to 80 years, and every 70 to 80 years things would pick up again until they finally, eventually completely died down.
     It's very interesting that climate affected things and forms of settlement, according to Wolfgang Behringer, were also very important. So for instance, there were hardly any witch hunts in places that were extremely rural, this is in Germany, anyway, or in nomadic peoples. They tended to concentrate in places where people are in a village situation and where people are eventually, as in Germany, getting crowded.
    That's the other thing about Germany is that it's actually always had a lot of people in a relatively small geographic space. So when you end up with these phenomena of towns building up and people are sitting on top of one another, that's when you get a lot of the comparing what you have with what I have and a lot of these developments of social situations that can possibly be a fertile ground then for that kind of, and then the weather doesn't work and then the harvest fails and then somebody dies and then there are all these reasons, the same reasons that we see in the modern witch hunts today.
    The things that are happening in Africa, for instance, it's the same kinds of patterns that reproduce themselves. So it's always a question of forms of community and whether those forms, whether they're somebody is trying to get an advantage. And unfortunately we seem to repeatedly tend to do that.
    [00:20:31] Sarah Jack: There's so many striking comparisons, and one of the things that you said a few minutes ago really made me think of the modern was when you talked about the multitude of victims in the German history, that we don't really fathom it. People don't really talk about it, understand it, and that is part of with the modern. People don't have a concept of how rampant it is for the modern victims.
    [00:20:58] Karin Helmstaedt: Yeah, it was upwards of 25,000 people in Germany, which is just a staggering number really when you consider that it's between 50 and 60,000 all told. So that's including places like Iceland, Norway, Sweden, all of the other countries where witch hunts did happen. 25,000 people. 
    And I really think something really interesting happened. Once the film was online and people were watching it, people started responding, I had a number of really interesting responses from women in Germany who said, "why haven't we looked into this more deeply in terms of what this can mean or has meant or means continually for female identity in Germany? How many cases of generational trauma are there that have never been considered?"
    And when you look at some of the work that's been done in Scotland, also, for instance, by the Witches of Scotland, Claire Mitchell and Zoe Venditozzi, who've been doing that fantastic campaign up there. They've looked into a lot of the cases in Scotland and actually talked to social scientists who have indicated that when you take a family like that, you completely snuff out their wealth, usurp their fields and their lands and possibly even their livelihoods. You completely demote that family. That family has to start again from zero, and possibly those families actually never get back to the position that they had or never get back to the actual. It has a knock on effect or a domino effect, if you will, very far down the line in generations.
    That was something that was really interesting to me, because I think it's interesting to look at what people have said, and I've had a lot of response from people who have, like yourself, Josh, who have some relative that was affected in the Salem Witch Trials or in Connecticut or in Scotland or in England, and the ideas are really so multifaceted in terms of how these particular tragedies have affected the different families. The stories are as long as my arm, the list it's amazing. So I think every case is individual and every family is individual and a lot of these communities have had different ways of dealing with things.
    Some of them had just a few families affected. But a town like Winningen, where my ancestor came from, we're looking at between 160, 200 people at the time. 21 people were killed, 24 were accused, so three managed to get off, which was also remarkable, but only happened towards the end of things. When you consider the number of families that were affected then, those 21 people that got lost, and you look at that one branch of my family where literally every spouse was knocked off and those people had to go on and very often married again. But my ancestor actually already had two children, so those two children also they lost their mother. They were six and three at the time. And that was also a really interesting thing, even when I was researching with Walter, because he was pretty much also thinking that it was mostly older women. It was mostly older women who actually had some status, possibly widowed. And here was my ancestor, a mother of two boys, six and three years old. So there were a lot of these stereotypes that just disappeared through the detailing of this story.
    [00:24:32] Sarah Jack: I really loved that you were able to do that with your narrative.
    [00:24:37] Karin Helmstaedt: It was very lucky. And again, it's because of this, of the fantastic treasure trove of trial records that are available for that area. It's not the case everywhere. It's, for instance, in France, it's very interesting. A lot of stuff did happen in France, but there's relatively speaking, little documentation about it. I've talked at length with Rita Voltmer about that. When you don't have that documentation, then you really are guessing. You're taking, records come from everywhere. You're looking at diaries, you're looking at, Walter was able to analyze, for instance, all of the receipts from the time, for instance.
    One of the stories that was really shocking in the case of my ancestor is she was actually, I had to fudge this a little bit in the film, because she was actually killed on the same day as another woman. There were two women killed on the same day, and they had an enormous party after that was over, and it's detailed. It's absolutely crazy the amount of detail that exists about that particular. It was like a bonfire. You've got two women literally burning on this pyre, and they had all kinds of wine, and there were local, what would you call them, restaurateur, who just made a killing on this kind of thing. And that's all documented that these things happened. 
    It was absolutely shocking that so much was available, and yet when you see how much is available, for instance, another really interesting detail of the trials, the trial records in that area, is that most of them were written for about 15 to 20 years. They were written by one scribe. It's the same handwriting over and over again. And this guy, I don't exactly know where he lived. I did figure out what his name is, but his handwriting, very, very beautiful 17th century script. And you go through pages and pages and pages and pages of this stuff.
    And at one point Walter said to me, this guy, he wrote them all at the time, so he was literally just moving around the communities when a trial came and needed to be protocoled. And we're talking, this guy was present for the torture. He was present for the accusation, for the witch commission basically accusing the women, and then they were tortured, and then they were executed. So there were all these phases, and this is, it's all documented like a diary. But you didn't necessarily have that wealth of information in other places.
    [00:27:07] Josh Hutchinson: Yeah, there's so many parallels that I know our listeners who are familiar with witch trials in other areas will pick up on. On the documentation, Salem is well documented, but the other New England witch trials are not.
    You have a lot of the same things. The ratio of men to women is about the same. It's something like 80 to 85% were women in New England. Salem was a little bit heavier with the men. There was maybe a quarter of the victims were men. But you have the same things going on with the Little Ice Age, the crop failures, the storms. You have the situation where people believe it's the midwives and healers, but it really wasn't. You have warfare or tension as if war is coming played into it, the local economics played into it. In Salem, overcrowding played a role, because there were refugees from warfare that came into Essex County, where Salem was the seat. And so there were a lot of extra people vying for resources, as well. So there's really just, it's remarkable how the European, New England, and modern-day witch trials, it flows. 
    [00:28:35] Karin Helmstaedt: There's so much. Yeah. That's so interesting what you said about the overcrowding, and the other thing that comes into it, of course, is religion. And another really surprising thing that I discovered, because everybody thinks the Catholic Church was the main motor of the whole thing, and Walter and Wolfgang Behringer basically told me that was not necessarily the case in this area. And interestingly enough, that particular community, Winningen, was a Protestant community. So we're talking, we're post reformation now, and the reformation happened in, I guess it was 1517, it's when it started. Martin Luther was actually quite keen or quite a sort of an encourager of witch hunts. There wasn't necessarily on our side in that sense. 
    But you had this Protestant community surrounded by other Catholic communities, and then you had a kind of a bit of a pressure cooker situation that developed because there used to be, and I forget what the word was for them in German now, but there used to be basically sort of seers who would go around to the Protestant communities and check to make sure that everybody was behaving properly and minding the new doctrine and not stepping astray with all of the ritualization of the Catholic religion was left behind by the Protestants, so they were really very strict, and there really was a kind of a situation that developed where they felt they had to be the more chaste community, the community that was more on the ball, that was paying attention to all of this possible influence of the devil. And it turns out that some, many Protestant communities were actually more zealous in going after people for witchcraft than Catholic ones, which is also a little bit counter to what we tend to hear and believe. But it's interesting that France, which is a predominantly Catholic country, Portugal, Spain, they had much lower incidents of witch trials than Germany did. Although Germany had a lot of Roman Catholicism still at the time. Obviously there was huge tension with the Reformation and then the Counter Reformation. 
    But even if you look, for instance, in the difference between Scotland and Ireland. Scotland was predominantly Protestant, and the witch trials there were really fired on by King James VI. And in Ireland, where they were Catholic, I think there were three or four victims, like you can count them on one hand. So that's a really interesting thing to look at. It's really interesting to look at those numbers and to look at the fact that up in Sweden, they were also actually Protestant, I think in the Norwegian area, as well, where witch trials happened. A lot of the things that you think you knew, or that I thought I knew and many people thought they knew are not necessarily the case.
    And yet these, all these parallels exist. And the one thing that I remember Rita Voltmer saying to me that she couldn't believe that people were still thinking that it was midwives and herbalists, because there really is so much evidence to the contrary. On the other hand, there probably are a few communities where that, those kind of women did end up in difficult straits, as well.
    You can never blanket statement anything about it, because Europe is complicated at best today, and it certainly was complicated back then. 
    [00:32:03] Josh Hutchinson: This idea of a religious cleansing or purification that you bring up, I think is important in the European witch trials. We spoke with Mary W. Craig about Scotland, and when the Kirk became Protestant, they were getting rid of the old Catholic rituals, and they also came down harsh on people who had the still pre-Catholic mythology and what they termed to be superstitious beliefs.
    So it was really the heavily Protestant areas that were seeking this cleansing. And there were lower incidents in like the Highlands and Islands, which were still more Catholic. The Kirk didn't have as much control there. 
    [00:32:55] Karin Helmstaedt: It is super interesting and the other thing that comes to my mind when you talk about that with sort of the religious tension is, and what had a huge effect on the German, the prevalence in Germany, is the governance structure as well. So the governance structure in the Holy Roman Empire was incredibly fragmented. You had all these little kingdoms and fiefdoms and principalities, and some of them in the area that we're talking about with my ancestor were actually governed by religious figures. And in this particular case, there was one Catholic and one Protestant. It was actually a dual influence that was going on there.
    And when you had that kind of fragmented governance from the top, what it allowed was less centralization in terms of the laws. And what happened was that you ended up having these situations like a poor harvest or something terrible has happened in a community. And it was the people, it was actually usually a bit of a grassroots movement that decided this person is a witch or that person is dangerous for our community, let's go after them. And the pressure from the bottom was difficult to counter for these sort of fragmented governance structures. They couldn't necessarily control all of these small communities, which is why you had many cases of localized witch trials in this area around the Mosel, and you can just go through all those communities, and there were witch trials everywhere.
    [00:34:34] Josh Hutchinson: That's actually another theme that I've noticed in England and New England, that witch trials occurred largely at times when the government had less control. In England, you have the Matthew Hopkins witch hunt, and that occurred during the civil wars, when Parliament and the King were vying for power, and in Connecticut, the colony of Connecticut started witch hunting in 1647. They didn't get a charter from the king to be a colony until 1662, which is when the executions ended before their governor returned with the charter in 1663, they had the last execution in Connecticut, and then Salem also, Massachusetts, the king had revoked their charter, and they just received a new charter in the year 1692, so there was all this weaker central government.
    [00:35:37] Karin Helmstaedt: It's interesting that, I mentioned France earlier, and France had a very centralized system, and that meant, for instance, that if you were somewhere in the middle of the country and decided you wanted to accuse your neighbor of being a witch, you ended up having to take that case to Paris and prove it.
    And that centralized system alone was what meant that it was much, much harder to actually bring people to a death sentence for witchcraft in France than it was in Germany. In Germany, you ended up having these local witch commissions, which were severely under pressure by their local populations, and with all of the other motors that were happening, the somebody wanting to gain an advantage here or there, and and that's why a lot of real chaos happened, certainly in that period between 1630. 
    And there's another community in Germany the city of Bamberg, you might have heard of, is down in Bavaria or in Northern Bavaria. And it was just decimated back around the same time, between 1628 and 1632, I think. So again, right smack in the middle of the 30 Years War, and I think over a thousand people were burnt there. And you ended up literally with, I think it was Walter who quoted one of the, there were the writings of some religious man, and I should figure out exactly who that was, that I can quote it properly, but there was, these religious eminences would travel through the countryside. And this one made an observation that the entire countryside was literally smoking pyres. And that's a very powerful and brutal image, and that's what things pretty much looked like around that time. Bamberg is also a very interesting place to visit if you are interested in witch trials, just because it also has a very tragic legacy.
    [00:37:37] Josh Hutchinson: I used to live pretty close to there in Schweinfurt.
    [00:37:41] Karin Helmstaedt: Oh.
    [00:37:41] Josh Hutchinson: My dad was in the Army, so I was a child, but yeah, we were in that region.
    [00:37:47] Karin Helmstaedt: Yeah. Beautiful area.
    [00:37:48] Josh Hutchinson: Oh, yeah. Gorgeous. I loved it.
    [00:37:51] Sarah Jack: Could you tell us what the witch commission was?
    [00:37:54] Karin Helmstaedt: It was basically a group of people who were local magistrates, but not necessarily all, groups of local men who had the backing of the local governance, and there were usually about five or six of them that would come together and then create a bit of a power node within the community. And once you got denounced to them, then you had to prove your innocence. 
    And the interesting thing with the trials, the way they happened in this area of Germany is that they insisted on a confession. You deny that you're a witch, it's not a confession. And so torture was used in order to extract that confession. And once the confession came, then you had admitted you were a witch. You had lied under duress, under the duress of torture, but you were at least able to be executed and have your soul go to heaven. So the whole religious element came into play there, as well, that you had to be exonerated in a religious sense. You had to be cleansed. And that's of course why the bodies were burnt.
    It's interesting that people also always think that witches were burned at the stake. They weren't necessarily in in a lot of places. As in Salem, a lot of people were hanged. In Germany, what happened, there were people who were burnt alive, but in this particular community, and with my ancestor, they beheaded them first and then actually just burnt the bodies. But the idea of burning the bodies was to completely cleanse this mortal shell that had been sullied by the devil.
    [00:39:48] Sarah Jack: What did the shaving, how did that play into that? Was that part of the cleansing steps or was it humiliation?
    [00:39:56] Karin Helmstaedt: That was, yeah, exactly. That was something that happened during the interrogations. And they did in Germany what they called a peinliche befragung, which is essentially equivalent to a torture session. So it's an interrogation that becomes extremely physical and involves a lot of duress for the victims, and there were a lot of things that they employed. For instance, sleep deprivation was probably the simplest and one of the most perfidious techniques, simply because of course, once people had been deprived of sleep long enough and physically harmed so much, then eventually you're willing to admit anything just to make it stop, just to make this agony stop.
    But the shaving was for two reasons. One, it was humiliation, especially with the men. The men were shaved completely, beards were completely taken off. But it was also with the idea of being able to locate this devil's mark, which at the time they believed every witch would have. You were pretty unlucky if you had something like a large, conspicuous mole or any kind of conspicuous birthmark. Something like that, of course, could be construed as something like that, and that's one of the reasons that they shaved their bodies as completely as possible. But it definitely also had a, an element of humiliation.
    [00:41:11] Josh Hutchinson: And two of those themes you just spoke to are also present in the modern day witch hunts. In your documentary, you spoke with the woman who was shaved, and you showed images of someone who had been burned. And recently in Nigeria, a woman was burned alive, and that's garnered a lot of attention.
    [00:41:39] Karin Helmstaedt: Yeah. We haven't talked about Leo Igwe yet, have we? And Leo is someone I discovered really on the basis of the fact that I had learned this from Wolfgang Behringer that there were so many witch trials going on in the modern world, which of course, if you haven't been paying attention to that, it's amazing how many people still comment after watching the film that they had no idea that this was going on.
    Researching further, I found Leo Igwe and talked to him, and he has this advocacy group, the Advocacy for Alleged Witches, and the tales that he can tell will just curl your hair. It's happening all over the place in multiple countries in Africa. And it's interesting that, from what I understand, it isn't necessarily there always something where the communities themselves are using the word witch. That's an English word that we've imposed upon it, but the mechanism is the same. Something has happened in the community. Somebody needs to be scapegoated, and it ends up being a woman or an older person, who for some reason is either easy to get rid of, and possibly there's something to be gained by getting rid of that person.
    The mechanisms are all the same, but they're not necessarily being called witches. They are being accused also even by local healer people who decide, okay, let's get this person outta the way. So there's a lot of, I think it's just the same societal mechanisms that are happening there, and we call it witch trials, but it's not necessarily how those communities are understanding it with that particular word.
    [00:43:28] Sarah Jack: They're finding the culprits of misfortunes and those culprits are using powers outside of natural phenomenon to influence.
    [00:43:38] Karin Helmstaedt: What is going on in so many places in Africa, and so many of the cases that Leo Igwe is dealing with, is just utterly brutal situations, what we showed in our film, the women being banished or having to literally escape to these witch camps and witch villages, which are places that are essentially just a refuge for women who can no longer be a part of their family. They can no longer be a part of their community. It's really tragic. 
    [00:44:07] Sarah Jack: And did you visit a witch camp? I wondered how you got your interviews with those women. They were really powerful interviews.
    [00:44:15] Karin Helmstaedt: Indeed. And I have to do a shout out to Isaac Kaledzi, who's our correspondent in Ghana, and we worked very closely with him, and he was able to travel to Northern Ghana because Gambaga is up in the north. It's quite difficult to access. It's also quite difficult because of the language differences. So he had to find a translator and was able to visit and get that footage for us. So unfortunately I didn't get to visit it myself. On the other hand, it's a pretty tough journey. But Leo Igwe has done field work there, so he's definitely been to a number of those villages.
    [00:44:50] Sarah Jack: Seeing the captured testimony of the women, seeing them visually, knowing what Leo's message has been, and then it just, it was really brought together well, and I think, I just think it's so important for people to hear from those women.
    [00:45:08] Karin Helmstaedt: Yeah, indeed. They don't get a voice often enough. And I think the idea of what Leo is doing is trying to be able to integrate them back into their communities, that sometimes is successful and oftentimes is not. It's really tough, as well, that there doesn't seem to be a lot of political will to change things. There are even cases in some African countries where they've been wanting to bring witchcraft back into the penal code. It's very difficult conditions of course, because every community is so different. All of the countries they're dealing with multiple languages, traditions, make it extremely difficult to penetrate with one clear message about that kind of thing. And I guess Leo's point is that education is the only hope to change it.
    [00:46:04] Josh Hutchinson: Yes, he's working on his critical thinking initiative, which I think will be very helpful. But in the documentary, Wolfgang Behringer has some very eye-opening quotes about the scale of witch persecutions today. He says that there are more witch hunts happening today than there were in the European witch trials.
    And I'd noticed some more parallels there. You were talking about the witch persecutions in Africa and Asia, and right now we're experiencing climate change. There's famine, there's large number of natural disasters occurring. And that rang a bell with what you're speaking to. Now it's the heat and the storms becoming a problem, where before it was the cold, but it's draining resources and pushing people to great lengths to secure their food. 
    [00:47:09] Karin Helmstaedt: People need a reason to, they have to understand, find a way to understand what's happening. And I know that with the communities that Leo is in contact with, a lot of those communities are not, they're very rural, and there's not necessarily a lot of formal education. And as long as you've got traditional beliefs in magic and superstition, and as long as those kinds of things are there, in the absence of widespread formal education, that sort of pushes that stuff off in, into the realm of of superstition where it belongs and not actual crime, then yeah, he's up against. It's I guess we can't talk about it enough because we're only gonna make a dent at this point, but a dent is a dent. You have to start somewhere. He's certainly doing a lot of good work.
    [00:48:06] Josh Hutchinson: Oh, he definitely is. I also have noticed that there's a lot of religious conflict in many of the areas that are hotspots today. Nigeria, I know, is a very divided country religiously. In Papua New Guinea, we've read about intertribal conflict. So these other tensions are also happening as well as the economic pressure.
    [00:48:34] Karin Helmstaedt: Indeed. And I remember when I was talking to Wolfgang, it was just, it was so shocking to me, because I think he mentioned that literally just one country like Tanzania had more people killed than, more than 50,000, which would pretty much totals what happened in the 300 years in Europe. And it's almost bizarre to, or impossible to, even conceptualize that. But I think what's going on there is that populations are so much bigger. The population of Nigeria is literally booming. It's the most populous country in Africa, and it's growing all the time. So I think a lot of these issues of resource scarcity and the overcrowding that you mentioned, for instance, that was even happening in a place like Salem, that's gonna be happening very acutely in a lot of places in Africa, just as one example, because of course it's not just there. Yeah. South Asia, there's a lot a lot of problem with that as well.
    [00:49:37] Josh Hutchinson: Speaking to how widespread it is, I even read this morning a case here in the United States, in the city of San Antonio, Texas. Just this morning there was a report from the San Antonio police that a man allegedly shouted, "it's time to kill the witches," and then swung a sword at an acquaintance, cutting his nose. So it's everywhere. It's not Africa, it's not Asia, it's worldwide, the Americas, everywhere.
    [00:50:10] Karin Helmstaedt: To get back to the comments section on the documentary, that has been hugely eye-opening, because a lot of people, a lot of people also in our modern times identify with nature religions like wicca. They identify, that's another point that we touch on is that witchcraft is something that is very attractive in turbulent times, like what we're experiencing. And there has definitely been a bit of a renaissance going on. I would say it's been going on really quite a long time. At least five, if not 10 years. I think if you talk to people who are really in, in the mil ieu they will say that they've been noticing it for a good decade.
    But a lot of the comments that have come in, because we asked for people to share their stories, and people have been very forthcoming with some of the stories that they've shared, and a lot of stories have been of personal persecution or of the fact that I am this way, I practice this, but I'm very quiet about it, because I know that, and a lot of the cases that are mentioned are happening in the United States, and people do not feel safe declaring or openly saying that they practice a religion like that.
    [00:51:28] Josh Hutchinson: And you shared a little about Boris Gershman's study on witchcraft belief and how many people in the world believe in the evil eye and the power to curse someone. And It's widespread. It's every country. The lowest is about one in 10 to upwards of 90% in some nations. In America, one in six people believe that there is this evil witchcraft occurring, not this peaceful, Wicca, nature-based belief. They believe that any form of witchcraft is inherently evil.
    Marker
    [00:52:07] Karin Helmstaedt: Indeed. And that's, I think there's a lot of clashing with the Christian religious beliefs without going too far into sort of saying that it's fundamentalists, but there are very extreme beliefs out there. And I think certainly judging by some of the comments that have arisen, you realize that some have a very black and white view of how these things can be, but happily, a lot of responses have been ones of respect, with a call for respect as well of all of the different interpretations, that witchcraft can take. And they are many.
    [00:52:48] Josh Hutchinson: You talk about how the archetype of the witch, the view of the witch has changed in modern times, and we've seen portrayals in film evolve over time to go along with that. And I wonder if you could speak to any of that.
    [00:53:09] Karin Helmstaedt: Yeah, that's the whole sort of popular culture thing, which I guess, it's interesting. When I started researching this, I said, "okay, I'm gonna do a film on, I'm gonna find out about my ancestor, and then I'm gonna do this arc over to witches and witchcraft in popular culture." And it just goes on and on. You get into a kind of a, I don't even know if you could call it a rabbit hole, because that's too small. It's a more like a spiderweb, and it just goes and goes. It feels like a universe and then another universe. And there's so many different levels to how the witch has been portrayed, first of all, in the initial kind of visualizations of her and how that has influenced art and how that has influenced literature and of course literature, the witch in Hansel and Gretel, all of those Grimm's fairytales and the witches that were really not only incredibly embellished, but also romanticized in the romantic period. There were incredibly, yeah, I guess embellished is the word, sort of portrayals of how a witch could be. 
    It's so interesting, because the witch as a being who is somewhat marginal, as a marginal on, in, in terms of the the core of a village or a society, a small society, is somebody who is an outcast, but she's also feared, she has powers perhaps that people need to be worried about, which is one of the reasons they were persecuted. Those early portrayals of the witch were really something that you could invert and make and claim for yourself, this idea of her being a powerful woman who says my way or the highway of I'm not, I don't need the rest of the community. I can survive on my own and make my own rules. I think that's been a very attractive aspect of the entire concept of witchcraft and the idea that you could possibly then create and influence your own life with magic is something that's different again.
    You've got the Wicked Witch of the East and the Wicked Witch of the West, and then of course the Good Witch. And I think it's interesting because those images have also really influenced how we think about witches and popular culture. And they're everywhere. They're everywhere. And they're quite often extremely compelling individuals and extremely, obviously in many interpretations, very sexy individuals. 
    And I remember when I was a kid, even before I discovered, so I hadn't left Canada for Germany yet, I had not yet made my first foray to Germany or to Europe, so I had no idea that we had a possible ancestor who had been burned as a witch. But I was completely into witch novels and various stories of witchcraft and a lot of that kind of thing simply because they are attractive figures.
    [00:56:10] Sarah Jack: I had that same experience when I was like a tween. I was reading any book that had a witch character in it or if the teens or the neighborhood kids were fearful or looking for somebody or if their home was near graveyard. Like any kind of that I could find like that I was reading it, and then when I was 15 I found out that my ninth great grandma was Rebecca Nurse from the Salem Witch Trials.
    [00:56:39] Karin Helmstaedt: You're both related to the same person. That is so interesting. 
    [00:56:44] Sarah Jack: We're related to her through her sister Mary Esty, who hanged. One of our other colleagues, Mary Bingham, is also a descendant of Mary Esty. And then I also descend from Rebecca, cuz their grandchildren married. But it was a great aunt that had been doing family history, and I, for a long time, alls I did was have this little pedigree on a piece of paper, and it said Rebecca Nurse hanged as a witch in Salem 1692, and I just didn't really do much for a long time on that. I just had no concept of the significance of that. 
    What you said when you spoke to the pop culture and the archetype of the witch, I found so much of what you said very important. So thank you for articulating all of that. And it isn't lost on me that a lot of these countries right now with vulnerable women who are experiencing violence, their culture isn't in a place where western culture is with women in power. They don't have that opportunity to try to seize back power or find an identity like we can here. And I was just thinking about that, how that is definitely, they're in a different, where they fall in the social order, and I mean they have all of that stacked against them now.
    [00:58:05] Karin Helmstaedt: Very interesting. It's interesting that your ancestor was also your ninth grade grandmother. So was mine. It is really interesting. When I of course sent the link to this film to my entire family in Germany, because actually I have a lot of relatives here. And it was so interesting that everybody knows that stone, because we have family reunions traditionally every four years or so of the German side, of my father's mother's side. And it's so interesting that we take a Sunday walk up to that stone. So I've been there many times, and we always talk about it and look at the names on the stone, and there she is. But nobody was very interested in finding out more.
    So in the end, a lot of them were really delighted that I did find out a bit more and that we now know a bit more about her. And she was quite a feisty piece of work, too, which is I think possibly the finding that I was happiest about, because I felt really like I had been able to sketch her personality, figure out exactly what she was like, read some of these really key entries in some of the protocols, the trial protocols. That let me know what kind of a person she was, and she was a person who really spoke her mind, and that also possibly didn't play well for her. But it's nice to think that you've been able to give this person a bit of a profile, a bit of form again, so that people can understand. 
    [00:59:37] Sarah Jack: You, were her voice now. I was really, I at her death, her meekness that she expressed with what she said, that's what Rebecca Nurse was like when she was in court, too. It's very interesting. They were strong women, and these are different women, different cultures, same, not quite the same era, cuz Rebecca was 70ish in the nineties, 1690s. But during her examination, often when she was questioned, she was standing up for herself ,not submitting to what they were saying necessarily. And it sounds like your grandmother was much like that.
    [01:00:17] Karin Helmstaedt: Yes. And at the end, nevertheless was forced to make this admission and this kind of public apology that is, I think, the most heartbreaking moment. When I was reading all of that with Walter, that really hits your solar plexus, because what you realize is that there was no way out of the whole thing but to lie. And yet, for a woman of that level of religious faith and fervor that they had at that time, lying is also a mortal sin. And so you were lying to get out of this unbearable situation, and at the same time, really not even sure that you were gonna make it to the afterlife or that you were gonna be accepted into heaven, because you've just literally told a lie.
    That I think is something that it's very hard for our modern, relatively, areligious existence and state of mind to relate to exactly how, what kind of a conflict that for a person. So that was I think, what really stuck with me, those two aspects for her.
    [01:01:31] Josh Hutchinson: . Women speaking their mind is a persistent theme in witch trials we notice in Salem, the women who spoke back that they didn't believe that the bewitched people were actually bewitched, and they refused to go along with the story that they were told. And then the Witches of Scotland Podcast, Claire and Zoe often talk about the figure of the quarrelsome dame that recurred so often in the records. 
    We're near the end of our time, so I wonder if you have any closing remarks.
    [01:02:12] Karin Helmstaedt: I guess just thank you for having me on the podcast and for sharing your stories with me ,because it's, once again, amazing to me how many parallels there are with these stories and it's great to know that there are other people who are so interested in making that period of history come alive.
    I think it's very important. We're living through a period here in Europe again where we're looking at how the mistakes of history get repeated and repeated, and it's all the easier to repeat them if people don't know what happened. So these are histories, I think the histories of these women that we're talking about, these victims that we're talking about, they're histories that haven't really been given much time, much space, much publication, as we know now, of course, there's all kinds of stories coming out and a lot of written accounts of even the witch trials in England and Scotland. And I'm planning to also write something about Margarethe, as well. You leave something for posterity for your own children and their children, because that stone is still standing on the top of that hill in Winningen, and people have to know what went on there.
    [01:03:20] Sarah Jack: Mary is back with Minute with Mary. 
     
    [01:03:31] Mary Bingham: The fun for me is deep diving into the documents to help tell the stories of the people who lived so long ago. When I started my work on Sarah Wilds, I read every online article I could find. Then I read all the entries in every book on the Salem Witch Trials I could find. Most said the same things about her, like she had an unsavory past based on two court cases, which are often quoted way out of context. Finally, I was able to purchase a copy of the Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt, my Salem Witch Trial Bible. It is a collection of all the available documents, verbatim and in chronological order.
    I studied all of the depositions offered for and against Sarah, the petitions, her jail transfers, and everything else included in the documents, which were now at my fingertips. Looking at the original sources allowed me to get a glimpse of her life, her relationship to her husband and her son, as well as her neighbors.
    Not any other book tells us that her son, Ephraim, thought of his mother as a friend. The primary document pertaining to his position for restitution does, whereas that document. In Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt. No other book tells us that Sarah shared a cart with Ann Pudeator on her return trip to the Salem Jail from Ipswich, except Records of the Salem Witch-Hunt. No other book quotes Sarah, when she angrily said to John and Joseph Andrews, "it is a brave world if everyone did what they would." After all, they took a scythe from a tree after Sarah said that there was none to lend. Records of the Salem Witch Hunts mentions this. This book is a must own for anyone seriously studying the witch trials.
    Another great source for putting together great colonial stories, Records and Files of the Quarterly Courts of Essex County. This is the source I used for the story I will tell in next week's minute with Mary about the supposed witchcraft allegation against Joanna Towne, the mother of Rebecca Nurse, Mary Esty, and Sarah Cloyce.
    Tune in next week. It's a great story. Thank you.
     
    [01:06:07] Sarah Jack: Thank you, Mary.
    [01:06:09] Josh Hutchinson: Now here's Sarah with End Witch Hunts News. 
     
    [01:06:28] Sarah Jack: End Witch Hunts, a nonprofit 501(c)(3), Weekly News Update. 
    Witch hunts across time. Witch hunts past. Witch hunts present. Once a person, once a child is targeted as a witch culprit, their old life is over. Nothing is ever the same for them again. The family is never whole. They are no longer in their home with the family unit, living life as it was prior to the accusations. Most often, extended family is no longer close, family is scattered. My ancestors tried for witchcraft were hanged in Salem, and we do not know for sure where their bodies were buried. Probably on family land. Rebecca Towne Nurse is likely on the homestead. Maybe Mary Towne Esty is on hers. 
    We do know many of the Towne families scattered out into other settlements, other colonies after the Salem witch trials. My ancestor tried for witchcraft in Boston was acquitted, but to date records after the trial giving any sort of timeline for the remainder of her life have not been identified. Her life course was altered. What happened to Mary Hale? Her daughter, my ancestor tried for witchcraft in Connecticut, also acquitted, disappears from the record. We know she and her husband fled their land in Wallingford. We know where some of their daughters settled. But to date, Winifred Benham disappeared from the record after her final witch trial. What became of 4 year old little Dorothy Good, arrested and tried for witchcraft in the Salem Witch-Hunt? What happened to enslaved Tituba after the trials were over? We know nothing of Tituba's fate. Due to uncovered records in 2022, we know the unfortunate course Dorothy's life took. It was unsettled, she never landed on her feet. There was continued turmoil and misfortune. Learn more about those records next week on Thou Shalt Not Suffer Podcast when this important newly uncovered story is told by Rachel Christ Doane of the Salem Witch Museum.
    What happened to those accused witches of the past, is not unlike what is happening today. Today, thousands of people are targeted and hunted. They are believed to have used sorcery or evil to cause misfortune to their family, neighbors, or community. In many, many countries today, misfortunes like dangerous weather and unexplained sickness or death are still believed to be caused by humans doing supernatural harm.
     In Ghana, women are hunted as witches, and thousands of them are now in refugee camps. These refugee camps are known as witch camps. The women sent away to them are alleged witches. They are innocent. They are not witches. These are not witch camps. These are refugee camps loaded with forgotten women. Women who have not forgotten the life they were torn from. Women who carry the visible scars and damage on their bodies from the attacks they endured. They survived brutal attacks, but now they are set aside. Their existence is buried in the past that they were plucked from. They are barely surviving, many of them do not survive. Thousands of women did not supernaturally cause mischief and misfortune. They were vulnerable and now they live a life uprooted, suffering from what has been done to them.
    Once a person, once a child is targeted as a witch, their old life is over. Nothing is ever the same for them again. The family is never whole. They are no longer in their home with the family unit, living life as it was prior to the accusations. Most often extended family is no longer close, family is scattered.
    Awareness of the violent, modern witch hunts against alleged witches is increasing across the world. International media, organizations, governments, and individuals want it to stop and are taking action and are educating about it. The United Nations Human Rights Council is acknowledging the crisis and urging additional efforts by effected states and by all stakeholders. We are all stakeholders in efforts to stop these witch attacks and abuse crimes against women and children. When you see it in the news, read about it and share it. Educate yourself and others. Today you have heard from alleged witch descendant and journalist Karin Helmstaedt. Go watch her documentary today. Share it today. Her documentary, Why Witch Hunts are Not Just a Dark Chapter from the Past, features important interviews with several experts, including Advocacy for Alleged Witches director Dr. Leo Igwe, Witches of Scotland advocate Dr. Zoe Venditozzi, modern attack victims, and witch trial historians. You will see the faces of modern witch attack survivors and hear from their own voice what has happened to them. Please see the show description for the link to watch it. 
    The Connecticut Witch Trial Exoneration Project has started to collaborate with individuals and organizations in discussion about a future Connecticut State Witch Trial Memorial. This will not be in the place of local community tributes for the individual victims like Alice Young, Goody Bassett, or Mary Barnes, for example. To join us in the early stages of brainstorming and recognizing what descendants and Connecticut residents would like put together to pay tribute and educate, please contact us now. 
    Thou Shalt Not Suffer Podcast supports the global efforts to end modern witch hunts. Get involved. Financially support our nonprofit initiatives to educate and intervene. Visit EndWitchHunts.org to make a tax deductible contribution. You can also support us by purchasing books from our bookshop, merch from our Zazzle shop, or subscribing as a Thou Shalt Not Suffer Podcast super listener for as little as $3 a month at thoushaltnotsuffer.com. Keep our t-shirts, available on zazzle.com, in mind when you start to get excited about Halloween 2023 and buy some fun wear. Sport one of our awesome shirts and introduce people to the podcast or one of our projects by leaving your house looking cool.
     
    [01:11:59] Josh Hutchinson: Thank you, Sarah.
    [01:12:01] Sarah Jack: You're welcome.
    [01:12:02] Josh Hutchinson: And thank you for listening to Thou Shalt Not Suffer: The Witch Trial Podcast.
    [01:12:07] Sarah Jack: Join us next week.
    [01:12:09] Josh Hutchinson: Subscribe wherever you get your podcasts.
    [01:12:11] Sarah Jack: Visit thoushaltnotsuffer.com.
    [01:12:14] Josh Hutchinson: Remember to tell your friends about the show.
    [01:12:17] Sarah Jack: Please rate and review on Apple Podcasts or wherever you listen.
    [01:12:21] Josh Hutchinson: Support our efforts to end witch hunts.
    [01:12:23] Sarah Jack: Visit endwitchhunts.org to learn more.
    [01:12:26] Josh Hutchinson: Have a great today and a beautiful tomorrow.
     
    
  • Modern Witch-Hunts 101 Part 1: A Dialogue on the Nature of Today’s Witch Persecutions

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    Show Notes

    Thou Shalt Not Suffer: The Witch Trial Podcast presents Modern Witch Hunts 101 Part 1: A Dialogue on the Nature of Today’s Witch Persecutions. Podcast Cohosts, Josh Hutchinson and Sarah Jack reflect on how researching the modern witch attack crisis has revealed the connectedness of witch hunts across time and the globe. Learn how big the problem is and the circumstances under which pervasive witchcraft fear translates into widespread violence. How do we know what we know? We connect past witch trials to today’s witchcraft fear and witch hunts with a discussion answering our advocacy questions: Why do we witch hunt? How do we witch hunt? How do we stop hunting witches? 

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    Transcript

    [00:00:00] 
    [00:00:21] Josh Hutchinson: We begin this episode with a special announcement from Mary Louise Bingham, host of Minute with Mary and co-founder of the Connecticut Witch Trial Exoneration Project. 
    [00:00:36] 
    [00:00:43] Mary Bingham: Statement of Connecticut Witch Trial Exoneration Project, May 26th, 2023.
    [00:00:52] A year ago today on May 26th, 2022, the Connecticut Witch Trial Exoneration Project was born out of frustration and sorrow that the stories of unjust witch trials in Connecticut resulting from fear, panic, and misogyny were not acknowledged. A year later, on the eve of the 376th anniversary of the first witch hanging in New England, that of Alice Young of Windsor, the Connecticut State Senate almost unanimously voted to adopt our resolution. This followed a bipartisan vote for the resolution in the Connecticut State House on May 10th. 
    [00:01:35] Our group is ecstatic, pleased, and appreciative for the 34 indicted witch trial victims, 11 of whom were hanged, their descendants, and many others who care about justice. The special timing is incredible and helps us to honor the victims today. We would like to thank Representative Jane Garibay, who helped us since July of 2022, and Senator Saud Anwar, who joined with our efforts in January of 2023. We are grateful to descendants, advocates, historians, legislators of both parties, and many others who made this official resolution possible. In addition, we hope that attention to this resolution, which acknowledges the wrongs of witch trials in the past, will bring awareness regarding deadly witch hunts still happening in many parts of the world due to fear, misogyny, and superstition. Even though the resolution has passed, our exoneration project will continue to advocate for historical education and memorialization of the witch trial victims.
    [00:02:48] While others have passed legislation to clear the names of people who suffered from witch trials, House Joint Resolution 34 is unique in many ways. The resolution acknowledges the innocence and suffering of the victims, and includes a formal expression of empathy, in addition to officially correcting the historical record and naming all who suffered, including all indicted victims, and those convicted to death by hanging.
    [00:03:17] 
    [00:03:24] Josh Hutchinson: Thank you, Mary. 
    [00:03:26] And now here's Sarah with a special edition of End Witch Hunts News. 
    [00:03:31] 
    [00:03:48] Sarah Jack: End Witch Hunts News 
    [00:03:50] On May 25th, 2023, the Connecticut General Assembly passed House Joint Resolution 34, Resolution Concerning Certain Witchcraft Convictions in Colonial Connecticut. This happened because the majority of the house, 80%, voted yes on May 10th to pass it to the Senate. The Senate voted almost unanimously yes, only one senator voted no, completing the passage of HJ 34. The Governor does not need to sign it. It is complete.
    [00:04:18] This resolution was successful due to years of attempts and efforts from many local politicians and residents, witch trial descendants, organizations, and small and large collaborations. It took every layer of the efforts to get this done. Many individuals started it, many carried it, and many finished it. If you were that person that made a move of advocacy for the Connecticut Witch Trial Resolution, HJ 34, we acknowledge your volunteerism and work. Thank you.
    [00:04:44] 34 indicted individuals, of which 11 were hanged, have been officially acknowledged as innocent. It's done. To read the official statement from project co-founders, as you heard read a moment ago by Mary Bingham, please find the link in the show notes. 
    [00:04:58] But there's more. We still need your additional efforts at the local level. Next month, the town council of Stratford, Connecticut will be voting on a resolution acknowledging the innocence of their local historic accused witches, Goody Bassett and Hugh Crosia. Will you take time today to write a Stratford Connecticut town politician asking them to follow suit with the state acknowledgement of resolution HJ 34?
    [00:05:21] Two other communities who have previously voted on such resolutions are Windsor for Alice Young and Lydia Gilbert and Bridgeport for Goody Knapp. Goody Knapp has an official community memorial plaque. You may write and show support whether you are a Connecticut resident or anywhere else in the world. You can do this as any political party member, this is a bipartisan effort. Please see the show notes for links to contacting Stratford Town Leadership. 
    [00:05:46] The Connecticut Witch Trial Exoneration Project's work for an official state acknowledgement of the innocency of the 17th century accused and hanged witches of the Connecticut Colony resounds globally today. It is that important. Please learn more about the ongoing mob witch hunts that are killing and violently abusing extensive numbers of women, men, and children in dozens of countries now. Thou Shalt Not Suffer podcast supports the efforts to end modern witch hunts. You can learn more by visiting our websites and the websites listed in our show notes for more information about country specific advocacy groups.
    [00:06:20] Get involved. Visit endwitchhunts.org. To support us, purchase books from our bookshop, merch from our Zazzle shop, or make a financial contribution to our organization. Our links are in the show description. 
    [00:06:32] 
    [00:06:50] Josh Hutchinson: Thank you, Sarah, for that important news update. And welcome everyone to Thou Shalt Not Suffer: The Witch Trial Podcast. I'm Josh Hutchinson. 
    [00:07:02] Sarah Jack: And I'm Sarah Jack.
    [00:07:04] Josh Hutchinson: In this episode, we look at the disturbing phenomenon of the modern day witch-hunt.
    [00:07:09] Sarah Jack: We'll examine how and why these atrocities are happening.
    [00:07:14] Josh Hutchinson: Sarah, you've been talking about modern witch-hunts since the first episode of this podcast. How has your understanding changed over time?
    [00:07:23] Sarah Jack: When I first mentioned the modern witch hunts, I was aware of Dr. Leo Igwe and the Advocacy, but I did not have a concept of the extent of what was happening or the destruction to all the lives and the families and the communities.
    [00:07:39] Josh Hutchinson: Yeah, I agree. When we first started this podcast and decided to include a weekly news segment, I knew that modern witch-hunting existed, but the scope and scale of the problem and the extent of the atrocities eluded me, but since then, we've done a lot of reading, we've talked to a lot of individuals who are involved in the struggle to eliminate witch-hunting, and we've seen some very sobering statistics and case reports.
    [00:08:30] Sarah Jack: I've learned so much from Dr. Leo Igwe and Damon Leff about advocacy and about what has happened and what is happening, and I greatly appreciate that they've continued the conversation, patiently informing and educating and advocating for their communities.
    [00:08:56] Josh Hutchinson: The discussions that we had with Damon and Leo on this podcast were profoundly life changing for both of us, I know, and changed the course of our effort. And we started this out as an outreach program of the Connecticut Witch Trial Exoneration Project, and now it's become this organization End Witch Hunts, with this goal of eliminating harmful witchcraft accusations and the violence, ostracization, banishment, and other consequences of labeling people as witches and targeting them. 
    [00:09:58] And then when we spoke to Dr. Boris Gershman, that added a whole new layer to things and really showed me how pervasive witchcraft belief is in the world, but also opened my eyes to both good and bad ways of approaching the problem. He really made it clear that writing another law isn't gonna solve the problem, that you have to change things on a very deep level. There's a lot of nuance involved in how you approach it. But you need to not just target the people who are causing the injustice, but prevent them from doing that in the first place. And you prevent them from doing that by taking away the need to blame your misfortune on someone else. You give them alternate explanations, you give them recourse when misfortune arises with social safety nets, you put in the state infrastructure, the healthcare system, the police system, other elements to give people alternatives, so they don't seek out, who caused this misfortune? Who do I blame for this? But find other explanations and other ways to deal with their problems.
    [00:11:43] Sarah Jack: When you become more informed about the modern witch-hunt issues and layers, you then actually understand what happened here in our history in the United States and across Europe much more. You see the parallels and the effects of the fear playing out the same way. And the consequences playing out the same way.
    [00:12:10] Josh Hutchinson: We recently had the great privilege of spending a week with Dr. Igwe, as he did a speaking tour in Connecticut and Massachusetts. And every speech he did, I gathered more. They all built on each other for me. And I was photographing the events for our project, but I kept getting sucked into what he was saying, because what he's saying is so moving, powerful, effective, and the stories that he told us about the victims and what he told us about the connections between early modern witch hunts in the west and modern witch hunts throughout the world. Those parallels are so striking to me. 
    [00:13:16] We were talking, Sarah and I were talking, about the youngest victim of the Salem Witch trials earlier, Dorothy Good, a four year old girl who was imprisoned and shackled for nine months and was never able to live a normal life after that, because of the psychological trauma. And reading the United Nations report recently on witchcraft accusations, they have a statement in there that hundreds of thousands of children every year are victims like little Dorothy, that they're abused and mistreated, ostracized, rejected, treated so awfully in so many ways every year. Hundreds of thousands of little Dorothys out there, small children, adolescents, juveniles, teens, what have you, all these minors being abused by adults, because the adults believe that the children were born with these occult powers and are using them for sinister purposes. It's mind-blowing how much of this is happening right around us.
    [00:14:46] Sarah's a descendant of Rebecca Nurse, one of the most well known victims of the Salem Witch Trials, and Sarah likes to share a quote from Rebecca. Can you remind me how that goes?
    [00:15:04] Sarah Jack: She said that the world would know of her innocence, that she was so innocent that she was not a witch, and the world would know, and that is a very motivating. We have those words from a record. She said them. She was recorded as believing that, and that greatly impacts me as her ninth great granddaughter, as an advocate for stopping witch-hunt behavior, because through the work of the international advocates, the world is hearing that innocence needs to be recognized when it comes to witchcraft accusations.
    [00:15:52] Josh Hutchinson: And Sarah and I and Mary Bingham, we're all three of us descendants of Mary Esty, who was Rebecca Nurse's sister, who also was executed during the Salem Witch-hunt, and she said that witch-hunting needed to stop. Sarah knows this quote better than I do. Can you remind me how that goes?
    [00:16:21] Sarah Jack: Yes. In the petition that she wrote the court, she says that she knows that she will die, but she beckoned that no more innocent die. She said, "end witch hunts." Again, that deeply motivates me as a descendant of Mary and their voices. Speak from the grave from these records. That we have, and that part of her petition is extremely relevant. Someone today still needs to say that no more innocent may die. We're saying it.
    [00:17:03] Josh Hutchinson: Yes. Words from 1692 that still have such meaning today in 2023. Words that are still as important today as they were when she wrote those words and the words of both of your ancestors, they mean so much. They impact what we do. They drive and guide us to do this work. And hopefully we can make some impact on this.
    [00:17:42] Hopefully, we can share the words and work of others who are doing this on a daily basis in these nations most affected by this problem.
    [00:17:57] Sarah Jack: And if you would like to see the words of Mary Esty, they're actually part of the memorial monument in Danvers.
    [00:18:08] Josh Hutchinson: Which we were fortunate to recently visit with Dr. Leo Igwe. And we all were moved by the memorials that we visited in Salem and Danvers and deeply touched, and those words at the Danvers Witch Memorial and the Salem Witchcraft Victims Memorial. Both have quotes from victims. And Dr. Igwe spoke to how those quotes are the very same words that he's hearing from victims today. "I am innocent." "God knows I'm innocent." "The world will know my innocency." " I can say before my God that I am free and clear of this." Those are the words of people begging for their lives today. 
    [00:19:12] As we've mentioned, we did some travel recently.
    [00:19:16] Sarah Jack: That's right. Josh and I joined Dr. Leo Igwe, director of Advocacy for Alleged Witches, for a portion of his US tour.
    [00:19:24] Josh Hutchinson: Dr. Igwe spoke in a variety of New England locations.
    [00:19:30] Sarah Jack: He discussed the topics of today's show, modern witch hunts.
    [00:19:34] Josh Hutchinson: At the beginning of the week of May 15th, Dr. Igwe spoke at the Salem Witch Museum and at the Rebecca Nurse Homestead. Later in the week, he spoke at various locations in Connecticut, including at the state capitol, to legislators, about the urgency of the problem and how what we do in the West, especially in the US, being a global trendsetter, how what our nation does and the state of Connecticut, what they've done by passing the resolution to exonerate those accused of witchcraft. By passing that resolution, they've sent a message to the world that the US stands against witch hunting.
    [00:20:32] Sarah Jack: We heard him day after day address an audience with a passionate plea to recognize the mistakes of the past, in order to be a guide for today.
    [00:20:44] Josh Hutchinson: We hope to add to his work in this series of episodes on modern witch hunts.
    [00:20:50] Sarah Jack: We aren't talking about the type of "witch-hunt" every politician complains about when they're investigated for real crimes and ethics violations.
    [00:20:59] Josh Hutchinson: We're talking about the type of witch-hunt that punishes innocent people for the imagined crime of sorcery.
    [00:21:09] Sarah Jack: The kind of witch-hunt that results in injury or death.
    [00:21:12] Josh Hutchinson: All around the world, witch hunts have plagued society since time immemorial.
    [00:21:18] We reached out to Damon for a comment for this week's episode, and here's what he had to say.
    [00:21:27] Sarah Jack: "The, quote, 'witchcraft,' most often referred to through accusation, allegation, and harmful superstition exists only in the minds of those who believe that witchcraft is the embodiment of evil and that witches are responsible for misfortune, disease, accident, natural disaster, and death. But belief is not evidence, and accusation is not proof. Victims of witchcraft accusation have a right to be presumed innocent. Those who speak in their defense must be heard."
    [00:22:00] One of the things that this brings to mind was one of the apparent fears that some of the Connecticut politicians may have been holding. When Damon said, victims of witchcraft accusation have a right to be presumed innocent, they weren't being presumed innocent by modern legislators. We had to explain to them this definition that Damon has shared with us right now. Their perception of witchcraft was in their minds that it is the embodiment of evil and that perhaps, how do we know, we weren't there, that this was happening? And that is also what propels the mob witch hunting that's happening in these other countries. 
    [00:22:53] Josh Hutchinson: Thank you, Damon, for your special message. It is very important to get that message across.
    [00:23:04] Sarah Jack: I suggest if you're listening, you go back and listen to that one more time before you move forward.
    [00:23:11] in this series, we will discuss both the problems and the solutions.
    [00:23:17] Josh Hutchinson: We will discuss what witchcraft is in this context.
    [00:23:22] Sarah Jack: There will be a review of the latest statistics on witch hunts. The stat is too many.
    [00:23:30] Josh Hutchinson: We'll cover all aspects of modern witchcraft accusation related violence.
    [00:23:35] Sarah Jack: We'll answer. Who is involved?
    [00:23:39] Josh Hutchinson: What does a modern witch attack look like?
    [00:23:42] Sarah Jack: When do witch hunts happen?
    [00:23:43] Josh Hutchinson: Where do witch hunts happen
    [00:23:45] Sarah Jack: Why do witch hunts continue today?
    [00:23:48] Josh Hutchinson: And how do we end witch hunts?
    [00:23:50] Sarah Jack: There are many definitions of witchcraft. For our purpose, we will limit ourselves to the two broadest definitions possible.
    [00:23:59] Josh Hutchinson: One is a religious or spiritual belief in the ability to tap into natural, though occult, forces.
    [00:24:06] Sarah Jack: This form is increasingly seen as normal, positive, and peaceful.
    [00:24:11] Josh Hutchinson: Practitioners can be independent or part of communities.
    [00:24:15] Sarah Jack: Many traditions exist throughout the world.
    [00:24:18] Josh Hutchinson: The other way witchcraft is defined is as a negative and harmful practice of hurting others through manipulation of supernatural forces and spirits.
    [00:24:31] Sarah Jack: In the eyes of witch hunters, witchcraft is the ability to intentionally cause harm via supernatural means.
    [00:24:39] Josh Hutchinson: This harm can be to animals, crops, property, life and limb, mental health, or anything else meaningful to the victim.
    [00:24:48] Sarah Jack: in this series, we'll primarily focus on this definition of witchcraft as a sinister practice.
    [00:24:56] Josh Hutchinson: However, we will also touch on the issue of discrimination against those who self-identify as witches or practitioners of magic.
    [00:25:05] Sarah Jack: Modern witch hunts have much in common with witch hunts of the past.
    [00:25:09] Josh Hutchinson: But also pose new challenges.
    [00:25:11] Sarah Jack: We will discuss the similarities and differences.
    [00:25:15] Josh Hutchinson: First, we need to discuss witchcraft beliefs.
    [00:25:19] Sarah Jack: Belief in magic is native to people in all parts of the world, and dates back to the era of cave paintings, if not further.
    [00:25:27] Josh Hutchinson: Since the dawn of humanity, people have made one attempt after another to explain the forces of the universe.
    [00:25:34] Sarah Jack: People around the world developed magical systems early on.
    [00:25:38] Josh Hutchinson: As magic has served similar purposes among all peoples, these magical systems developed along similar lines.
    [00:25:46] Sarah Jack: In the book Witches and Witch Hunts by Wolfgang Behringer, he writes, quote, "witches and witch hunts are close to being recognized as relevant for all mankind. They are, like magic and religion, a universal phenomenon."
    [00:26:01] Josh Hutchinson: Behringer points to similarities in belief across Europe, Asia, the Pacific Islands, Africa, Australia, and the Americas.
    [00:26:12] Sarah Jack: Belief in evil forces exists across all cultures.
    [00:26:16] Josh Hutchinson: It is also commonly believed that people can interact with these forces in order to cause injury, illness, death, and destruction.
    [00:26:25] Sarah Jack: Witches abduct babies to eat or use body parts.
    [00:26:28] Josh Hutchinson: Witches fly.
    [00:26:31] Sarah Jack: Witches shift shapes.
    [00:26:33] Josh Hutchinson: Witches transform into animals.
    [00:26:35] Sarah Jack: Of course, witch beliefs vary widely from place to place.
    [00:26:39] Josh Hutchinson: But many common beliefs are incorporated into the various magical traditions.
    [00:26:45] Sarah Jack: Regardless of the exact beliefs of an individual person, fearing witchcraft often has deadly consequences.
    [00:26:52] Josh Hutchinson: Globally, 40% of people believe in the ability to cast the evil eye or harm someone with a spell or curse.
    [00:27:00] Sarah Jack: In many nations, a majority of people hold these beliefs, in some cases up to 90%.
    [00:27:07] Josh Hutchinson: For more on witchcraft belief, listen to episode 22, featuring economist Boris Gershman.
    [00:27:13] Sarah Jack: This widespread belief in evil witchcraft translates into widespread fear. This very real and intense fright, fuels witchcraft accusations, and violence towards people suspected of witchcraft.
    [00:27:26] Josh Hutchinson: Accusations result in ostracization, banishment, torture, beating, maiming, burning, burying alive, sexual assault, mutilation, and murder.
    [00:27:39] Sarah Jack: That is a horrible list of results, but it's a very accurate and real result, and I'm just saying that because I can't get out of my recollection when Dr. Leo said to me, "it's much worse than I can even express. It's much worse than I'm sharing. What's happening is worse than what's reasonable to show in the presentations."
    [00:28:07] Josh Hutchinson: Yes, the real-life atrocities happening across the world are so brutal, so violent, so grizzly, we can't fully describe them on air. Dr. Igwe cannot show all the pictures and the videos that he has had to watch and look at and cannot describe everything he's seen, what has happened to their bodies, the damage that has been done in these assaults.
    [00:28:44] Sarah Jack: Survivors have to flee their homes and are often forced to wander from place to place, eternally seeking refuge.
    [00:28:55] Josh Hutchinson: Others are imprisoned or sent to so-called "witch camps" for their own safety while their abusers roam free.
    [00:29:03] Sarah Jack: And I think it's important to note that we learned from Dr. Leo Igwe this month that calling them witch camps is a Western title.
    [00:29:14] Josh Hutchinson: They're refuge centers where these people have to go, and they're squalid. They live in appalling conditions.
    [00:29:26] Sarah Jack: They're not saying, "oh, I'm an accused witch. I'm gonna go to a witch camp." That's not what's happening.
    [00:29:33] Josh Hutchinson: I mentioned that, while the victims are imprisoned, oftentimes those who victimize them go free. However, even when the abusers face the consequences, it's too late for the victims. So we have to intervene before the assaults happen, and that's something that Boris Gershman stressed.
    [00:30:02] Sarah Jack: That parallels back to little Dorothy Good. The intervention needed to happen before she was chained. Before she was interrogated. Just, you know what Josh just said, what Dr. Boris has pointed out, and what we see didn't happen for Dorothy Good is also what is not happening for these children today, these hundreds of thousands of children.
    [00:30:31] Josh Hutchinson: Yes. So in addition to punishing perpetrators of violence, we need to, as I mentioned before, take away their reasons for blaming their misfortunes on witchcraft. We need to help people out when they need help. We need to give them alternate explanations for what's happening with them.
    [00:31:05] Sarah Jack: According to a recent United Nations Human Rights Council report, at least 20,000 victims were reported between 2009 and 2019, and the report makes it clear that this figure is understated as data is scarce. The data is scarce and the results. It is not scarce to find a victim. It's not hard to find this happening in the communities. It's rampant, but the data on it is scarce.
    [00:31:40] Josh Hutchinson: Yes. As Dr. Igwe recently told us, many of the attacks are occurring in very isolated villages, and word is not getting back to authorities. There is not effective policing in all of these communities. There's not anyone to report these attacks to, and the people who would report them are afraid to intervene.
    [00:32:14] Because one thing that we learned from Dr. Igwe and from the United Nations report is that people who intervene, people who try to defend human rights, are themselves at risk for retaliation by these angry mobs and by these angry individuals. People who speak up against witch hunting are thought of as defending witches, of defending the practice of witchcraft, and the United Nations report states that the attacks occurred in more than 60 nations.
    [00:33:06] Sarah Jack: This UN report states, quote, "estimates suggest that each year in Africa, hundreds of thousands of children are victims of accusations of witchcraft and ritual attacks."
    [00:33:19] Josh Hutchinson: Hundreds of thousands.
    [00:33:22] Sarah Jack: This is a huge problem.
    [00:33:24] Josh Hutchinson: Much work needs to be done to end this ongoing crisis.
    [00:33:28] Sarah Jack: We will cover potential solutions later in the modern Witch-hunt series. 
    [00:33:33] Josh Hutchinson: I was talking to Sarah earlier about the statistics, and one thing that we've heard again and again, is that incidents are underreported dramatically. So if the UN report is saying that at least 20,000 victims were reported in the period between 2009 and 2019, we know for every one of those cases there are other cases that went unreported. So the real number is somewhere in the tens of thousands at a minimum. So give a little perspective, the age of which hunting in Europe, a total of approximately 90,000 individuals were prosecuted as witches, of which roughly 45,000 were executed. These are the most up to date statistics we have on that period, and that's hundreds of years. We're talking about 90,000 people getting accused. Here we're talking about 20,000 people at a bare minimum in a decade, plus hundreds of thousands of children every, single year. So we know that the problem now is on such a larger scale than it ever has been in the past, due to the ever-growing population of the world, the rapid growth in many of the nations where witch hunting is most prevalent. The numbers we're seeing and hearing are mind-boggling, staggering.
    [00:35:33] It's terrifying. It's like this secret war is going on that people don't know about, just looking at the numbers of the victims and the gross atrocities that are committed against them, and it's absolutely horrifying to think that so many people are suffering in the world, and so few people, at least here stateside, so few people know about this. And everyone that we've encountered, that we've told about this, has reacted with astonishment.
    [00:36:15] There's reports in the US, the UK, Western Europe, Eastern Europe, South America, Africa, Asia, the Pacific. There are reported cases of this near to you, wherever you live on the earth, this is happening. Reported or unreported, this is happening everywhere.
    [00:36:46] Sarah Jack: And if this sounds like an alarm, if it sounds alarming, you should be alarmed. 
    [00:36:51] Josh Hutchinson: You should be.
    [00:36:53] Sarah Jack: It's the truth.
    [00:36:56] Josh Hutchinson: I remember reading a case several months ago that happened in the US where a man shot a woman and burned her trailer because he believed that she had bewitched him. And there are cases very similar to that every year in the US. 
    [00:37:16] Dr. Igwe also stressed to us the connections, the global connectedness. You can have someone in the US accuse a relative in their country of origin of bewitching them across the sea, and you could have cases where people in the US are funding churches and institutions in their home countries that are leading witch hunts.
    [00:37:53] Sarah Jack: And let me explain. We know the type of frustrations and misfortunes that can happen that we experience. One example is families wanting to have more children or have a child. They cannot sustain a pregnancy. They go for fertility treatments. But what if you believe that you're not carrying a child because your grandmother has put a spell on you? That sounds like a nightmare fairytale, but that is an example of the type of misfortune that is getting explained away by witchcraft fear.
    [00:38:33] Josh Hutchinson: Yes, any lack of success in your personal life can be attributed to witchcraft. It is a great explainer of contingency and any kind of misfortune. Dr. Behringer wrote that it's a greater, or has a greater potential to explain misfortune than even religion, political ideology, other beliefs, because any event can be explained as being the result of witchcraft, of the improper use of magic, and human emotions, jealousy, envy, fear, et cetera, can be blamed as being the triggers for witchcraft, as in the witch is jealous of you, and so they target you with some kind of spell to bring you down or to bring themselves up at your expense. And witchcraft is just such a great explainer of those kinds of things. It's an easy answer, an easy solution to reach for when you don't have another explanation in mind. And that's part of why we need to offer alternative narratives and explanations for why bad things happen.
    [00:40:21] Sarah Jack: When we pass legislation like Connecticut did, then we're messaging witchcraft accusations are wrong.
    [00:40:29] Josh Hutchinson: We need to send a message that witch-hunting is not the solution to your problems. We need to provide other solutions. We need to offer other ideas. And by taking a stand like Connecticut did, we're sending that message.
    [00:40:51] Sarah Jack: Martin Luther King Jr. said, "there comes a time when silence is a betrayal." So if we are not speaking against the witchcraft fear, we're betraying all these children and other vulnerable people, and we're betraying the dignity of humanity, and the offenders, we're robbing them of the opportunity to have better choices before them as far as blaming or coping with loss or misfortune or disappointment, we need to offer them better options.
    [00:41:34] Josh Hutchinson: It's not witchcraft belief that we're hoping to change. We're hoping to remove the fear of witchcraft and the fear of your neighbor or relative attacking you through occult forces. We're saying that's not the cause of your misfortune. It's not gonna be your neighbor or your friend cursing you. It's nature. It's whatever the misfortune is. There's so many explanations. It's circumstances, it's contingencies, it's part of everybody's life, has to deal with adversity.
    [00:42:23] We do not want anybody to suffer from witchcraft accusations. So Thou Shalt Not Suffer is saying that nobody in the world should be suffering on this account.
    [00:42:37] It indicates the objective of our organization.
    [00:42:45] When we started this podcast, we didn't have End Witch Hunts in mind yet. We had no concept that we were going that way. We just knew we wanted to educate people about witch trials so that they don't happen again and things, other injustices like them, don't happen where groups are targeted as scapegoats. Today, I was reading in Behringer's introduction, he said something, witchcraft belief, there's a lot of similarity across cultures, but it's also comes from different religious backgrounds and not all of it is associated with the devil. And the devil is a Christian concept, and so non-Christian witchcraft believers don't have the devil as part of it. They might have demons or evil spirits or something else that's vaguely similar in the Western mind. But in their own mind, it's a totally different conception of how witchcraft works.
    [00:44:04] And for the most part, witchcraft is just blamed on the human that's responsible for it. Even when we look at early modern Europe and the American colonies, there was like a hierarchy of beliefs, where the educated elite and the, especially the ministers, believed in this vast diabolical conspiracy, but the common person was more concerned with the day-to-day and with the actual practical effects of witchcraft. So they were like, "oh, my neighbor hurt my goat," or "my neighbor made my child sick," or "the neighbor killed my husband." Those kinds of things were their concerns, but there's not just one concept of witchcraft, there's not one master definition that's going to fully define everybody's view of witchcraft, what we're calling witchcraft, using an English word to apply to this universal phenomenon that Behringer described. We're inherently overlaying our concept on these other cultures and religious traditions, and we can't do that. We need to include everyone and every definition of witchcraft. The thing that is in common here is that witchcraft is often a synonym for evil. It's a wicked, sinister, bad practice. Whatever culture is viewing it, at least the witchcraft that we're talking about, the anthropological and historical definition of witchcraft, is just that it's a bad manipulation of occult forces to, through magic, negatively impact somebody else.
    [00:46:32] Witchcraft fear has been a part of American society for hundreds of years. Americans still retain that fear. One in six Americans believes in the ability to cast a spell or put a curse on someone to do them. All the cultures that are America have witchcraft belief in them. You can't isolate any culture and say, "oh, they have more witchcraft fear than the other ones."
    [00:47:07] And that it's not any particular part of the world that we're saying is bringing the fear to here. It's already everywhere in the world, it's already here in this country, it's everywhere. 
    [00:47:24] And you look at the statistics Boris Gershman gave us, and one of the things he says in the episode, he makes clear, is that even within Europe you have a dramatic range. You have some countries where the belief is about one in 10 people to other countries where it's an overwhelming majority of people have this fear of witchcraft or this belief in sinister witchcraft that can lead to fear, and incidents of attacks on alleged witches occur in Western Europe, Central, Eastern Europe, everywhere in the world.
    [00:48:16] Sarah Jack: Since there are ties to the other nations in this world, from within America, our perspective on accusing witches matters, we can influence our neighbors in a positive way against witch attacks, and then that will impact the other parts of the world.
    [00:48:37] Josh Hutchinson: And I was listening to Dr. Igwe on colonization, and he and Wolfgang Behringer both point out that witchcraft belief existed on every continent before colonization. Part of what Leo said was that the contact with Christian and Islamic culture and other cultures and religions coming in just reiterated the witchcraft belief that was native to traditional beliefs. You're practicing the religion of your ancestors and believing in witchcraft, and then these other religions come in with their missionaries and try to teach you about their faith, and they're saying, "oh yes, there are witches." So it reinforces your own belief. And so there were witch hunts well before contact, this was already going on in ,but Africa, the Americas, Australia, Asia, the Pacific, everywhere had witchcraft belief, but when colonizing powers came in with their religion saying that witchcraft is this evil thing from the devil or wherever they're attributing it to, it's just reinforcing. So as cultures move around, people move around and cultures get shared, everybody's just reinforcing everybody else's witchcraft belief. 
    [00:50:32] Sarah Jack: Each has a lens of witchcraft that they're looking at each other through.
    [00:50:38] Josh Hutchinson: And I'm really struck just by the similarities in witchcraft belief across cultures independent of each other, pre-contact. As you look at some of the indigenous people in South America when they're first contacted there's already witch hunts happening in their villages. Or there's witchcraft belief already being expressed. And when colonists first went to Africa, some of the first things that they recorded were witchcraft beliefs that the Africans already had and witch hunts that were already going on.
    [00:51:24] Sarah Jack: The European mindset included the devil, so then they imposed the devil into it. 
    [00:51:30] Josh Hutchinson: They imposed the devil, they put the devil there. Yeah, because these other concepts of witchcraft were either just an abuse of power, a belief that certain people were born with occult powers. Sometimes they use them for good, but sometimes they use them for bad. And the bad is the witchcraft. And witchcraft also became this stand-in for corruption, for the opposite of decency. Stand in for antisocial behavior and non-conformity. Inverting social norms, flipping them on their head like we've talked about in New England, people were supposed to behave a certain way. Witches were believed to behave basically the opposite of what a good person was supposed to do. They didn't want children to be born into the world. They didn't want children thriving. They didn't want the next generation, which was the driving reason for being, for the good people. Their whole reason was to be fruitful and multiply and spread God's word throughout the earth, and things like that.
    [00:52:58] The witch totally flips that around. That's how you get all this belief in witches being cannibals, witches eating babies, witches killing babies. We talked to Ann Little about the fertility connection in witchcraft, and that's common across cultures. The unique things are things like the devil in Christian views of witchcraft, and there are other local additions and different local theories on where witches get their power from. But they do the same things. They fly at night, they have orgies in the forest, they do all this very, not just naughty, but wicked and evil stuff that you're not supposed to do. 
    [00:53:56] Sarah Jack: I was listening to our episode today with Katherine Harrison, how she was a known liar and she had strife with her neighbors, and she didn't remarry.
    [00:54:07] Josh Hutchinson: All the accusations that pile up.
    [00:54:10] Sarah Jack: They embodied those factors. And then that pure evil embodiment makes alleging someone to be one you immediately, the alleger is off the hook, as far as they're like, "if they're a witch, then they are completely bad. So they deserve this vengeance. They deserve this attack." 
    [00:54:34] Josh Hutchinson: Yes, and witchcraft, because it's the embodiment of evil, it's considered an extraordinary crime, and extraordinary crimes justify extraordinary prosecution and extraordinary means of interrogation, torture, punishment. It all can be extraordinary because, like you said, you're off the hook because this is this really bad evil. They're barely even a person anymore because
    [00:55:11] Sarah Jack: Exactly. 
    [00:55:12] Josh Hutchinson: They're society flipped on its head, and they have to be plucked out 
    [00:55:19] Sarah Jack: Yeah. 
    [00:55:20] Josh Hutchinson: at any cost.
    [00:55:21] Sarah Jack: And that's what Mather did to Reverend Burroughs.
    [00:55:24] Josh Hutchinson: That's what Cotton Mather did to Burroughs. And it's the opposite of what Increase Mather said in Cases of Conscience when he said, "better 10 witches go free than one innocent person die." In the eyes of the witch hunter, it's better that 10 innocent people suffer than one witch go free. That's goes back to that presumption of guilt instead of a presumption of innocence.
    [00:55:56] Sarah Jack: And Mary Esty said, "stop that."
    [00:55:58] Josh Hutchinson: Yes. Mary Esty said, "stop that." Rebecca nurse said, "stop that." And people today are saying, "stop that. Stop that. Stop that. Let me live". And we don't want those messages to go unheeded. We want people to listen to those messages, that there needs to be a presumption of innocence. The nature of a crime does not mean that human rights are surrendered. 
    [00:56:36] Sarah Jack: And that is a parallel across all vulnerable. 
    [00:56:40] Josh Hutchinson: We, as the good people, don't wanna lose our sense of ourselves as being moral and just, just because somebody else may have done something immoral and unjust. We don't know that they did that until it's proven that they did that. And you can't prove witchcraft in a court of law. You can't prove supernatural agency. There's no legal evidence for that.
    [00:57:15] Sarah Jack: Yet modern humans are still asking for that evidence.
    [00:57:21] Josh Hutchinson: They are. Modern elected officials in the United States of America and elsewhere are asking for that. There was that gentleman in Northern Ireland who was against the memorial being placed there, because he didn't know that those people were innocent. "How do we know they weren't witches?" he said.
    [00:57:50] Sarah Jack: And that fear influenced the amendments that happened to resolution HJ 34.
    [00:57:59] Josh Hutchinson: We're gonna stop talking here. Now you talk about this, and then we'll come back in a month or two and have some more details on what a modern witch-hunt looks like.
    [00:58:11] 
    
  • Women and Witch Trials with Ann Little

    https://feeds.buzzsprout.com/2045153.rss

    Show Notes

    To honor Women’s History Month and March 8, International Women’s Day we have created a special episode with Colorado State University’s Dr. Ann Little who specializes in the history of colonial America, with special emphasis on the history of women, gender and sexuality. She is a professor, author and expert consultant for Who Do You Think You Are?  We discuss past and persisting mentalities toward and in women including their fertility and sexuality power in society. What is the impact of this narrative on historic witch trials and in modern attitudes influencing women’s rights?

    Links

    Witch Craze: Terror and Fantasy in Baroque Germany, Lyndal Roper 

    The Devil in the Shape of a Women: Witchcraft in Colonial New England, Carol F. Karlsen

    The Republic of Nature, Mark Fiege

    Press Conference on H.J. No. 34, March 8, 2023

    Resolution Concerning Certain Witchcraft Convictions in Colonial Connecticut

    Write a Connecticut Legislator 

    Join us on Discord to share your ideas and feedback.

    Please sign the petition to exonerate those accused of witchcraft in Connecticut

    Fact Sheet for Connecticut Witch Trial History

    Support Us! Sign up as a Super Listener!

    End Witch Hunts Movement 

    Thou Shalt Not Suffer Podcast Book Store

    Support Us! Buy Witch Trial Merch!

    Support Us! Buy Podcast Merch!

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    Transcript

  • Witchcraft Beliefs Around the World with Boris Gershman

    https://feeds.buzzsprout.com/2045153.rss

    Show Notes

    Learn what the world believes about witchcraft today with American University’s tenured Associate Professor of Economics, Dr. Boris Gershman. He is an active academic researcher and writer who has written several academic articles on the relationship of witchcraft beliefs and sociodemographic characteristics. We discuss his journal article “Witchcraft Beliefs Around the World: An Exploratory Analysis.” Find out about solutions to the current global witchcraft accusation crisis based on Dr. Gershman’s evaluation.

    Links

    Witchcraft Beliefs Around the World: An Exploratory Analysis

    BorisGershman.com

    Resolution Concerning Certain Witchcraft Convictions in Colonial Connecticut

    Write a Connecticut Legislator 

    Join us on Discord to share your ideas and feedback.

    Please sign the petition to exonerate those accused of witchcraft in Connecticut

    Fact Sheet for Connecticut Witch Trial History

    Support Us! Sign up as a Super Listener!

    End Witch Hunts Movement 

    Thou Shalt Not Suffer Podcast Book Store

    Support Us! Buy Witch Trial Merch!

    Support Us! Buy Podcast Merch!

    Website

    Twitter

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    Transcript

    [00:00:00] 
    Sarah Jack: Welcome to this episode of Thou Shalt Not Suffer: The Witch Trial Podcast. I'm Sarah Jack.
    Josh Hutchinson: And I'm Josh Hutchinson. In this episode, we speak with economist Boris Gershman about his report, "Witchcraft Beliefs Around the World: An Exploratory Analysis." In the report, Dr. Gershman analyzed global data from a series of surveys by the Pew Research Center that included a question about belief in witchcraft and determined that approximately 40% of people in the world believe in witchcraft [00:01:00] as defined as the ability to cast a curse or a spell to do harm to someone else.
    Sarah Jack: This is about who believes in witchcraft. But the study's about more than that. The data on witchcraft belief sets the stage.
    Josh Hutchinson: Many other factors are analyzed, and their relationship to witchcraft belief is studied. He finds correlates between religious belief and witchcraft belief, and other factors like the level of traditionalism and conformity in a society to the rate of witchcraft belief.
    Sarah Jack: This information's for everybody, even if you don't think you would be interested in hearing such an analysis. And the reason is because of what it tells [00:02:00] us about the witch-hunts of the past and why they're so hard to stop in some regions today. And Boris takes his analysis to the place where solutions are weighed.
    Josh Hutchinson: That's an excellent recap, Sarah. The episode is so fascinating from the beginning. The study that he did, the data that he looked at, the way it panned out is intriguing. Just looking at the different countries around the world and seeing that witchcraft belief is prevalent in most nations of the world and is a part of life in every nation that was studied. 95 nations were studied. The lowest rate of [00:03:00] witchcraft belief was 9% in Sweden. The United States comes in with 16% belief, so that's one in six people in America believe in harmful witchcraft, and that means that we all know people who have these beliefs.
    In our country, the level of belief isn't past the tipping point where it becomes dangerous. We don't often hear about attacks on alleged witches or killings of alleged witches like we do, unfortunately, in so many countries, where the level of belief is higher. But it's still something people carry around with them every day and affects their choices they make and how they live their [00:04:00] lives.
    Sarah Jack: It's about how much someone may believe harmful witchcraft is affecting them personally or their community. How big of a implicator is it in their wellbeing?
    Josh Hutchinson: Are they blaming it for their misfortunes, and are they identifying people that they believe to be the perpetrators?
    Sarah Jack: If you also love analysis with charts and comparisons, he's got that for you, too.
    Josh Hutchinson: And maps.
    Sarah Jack: And maps.
    Josh Hutchinson: So we have quite a lot of interesting discussion about these things with Dr. Gershman, and there are solutions out there, and Boris talks to us about how you can implement a lot of change, and you can bring in or improve your nation's institutions [00:05:00] to make change without going in trying to get people to suddenly stop believing in witchcraft. You don't have to change the belief in witchcraft, in order to replace the social function.
    Sarah Jack: The innovation and the economic development must continue to flourish and be encouraged, but the witchcraft beliefs don't have to be driven out at the same level.
    Josh Hutchinson: That's right, and we've heard in our talks with Damon Leff in South Africa and Leo Igwe in Nigeria, that the laws that exist aren't helping with the problem, and new laws aren't going to change anything. And Dr. Gershman talks to us about going in with heavy-handed [00:06:00] legislation to ban witchcraft accusations hasn't worked and won't work. You need to address the factors that lead to witchcraft accusations. You need to address what happens when there's a disaster or misfortune happens to someone.
    Sarah Jack: Listen closely and enjoy this witchcraft fear analysis and conversation with American University's tenured Associate Professor of Economics, Dr. Boris Gershman. He is an active academic researcher and writer and has written several academic articles on the relationship of witchcraft beliefs and sociodemographic characteristics. Today we get to discuss his journal article that you may have read in fall 2022, "Witchcraft Beliefs Around the World: an Exploratory Analysis." And now Boris.
    Josh Hutchinson: For the purposes of your paper, how did you define witchcraft?
    Boris Gershman: I'm glad that this is the first question because I want to be very clear about [00:07:00] that. So if we're talking about my latest paper, there is a single question that I used to pinpoint witchcraft believers. And so the question is a survey question, which sounds as follows. "Do you believe in the evil eye or that certain people have an ability to cast curses or spells that cause bad things to happen to someone?" So that's the question, and there is a lot to unpack here. Let me first explain why I use this question. I use this question, because it is the only question that was available in every single survey. And so it allowed me to cover the largest sample of countries around the world. There were some other, alternative witchcraft questions, but they were only present in a small subset of those surveys, so they wouldn't allow me to have a large sample of countries.
    In principle, this [00:08:00] question to me, it's not ideal, but it's not too bad, either. The main reason why it's not ideal is this initial reference to the evil eye, and, as you may know, the evil eye belief is actually different from witchcraft beliefs. I have a paper on that as well. And so the evil eye belief is typically viewed as a belief in the supernatural, destructive force of envious glances.
    So that's a bit more specific, actually a lot more specific than and witchcraft beliefs. And so my hope was in my study is that the second part of the question, the clarifying part, the part in which the interviewer basically explains to you that they mean the belief that some people have an ability to cast curses or spells that cause bad things to happen to someone. So my hope was that this clarification kind of settle things and focuses the respondent's attention in such a way that they know what they're being asked about.
    One may, by the way, disagree in principle that's the definition of [00:09:00] witchcraft, by the way, even that second clarifying part. And curiously, after my paper was published, this most recent paper was published. I received a couple of emails from quite disappointed people who told me that I am propagating a negative view of witchcraft.
    And so in their view, witchcraft actually meant a very different thing, and they viewed witchcraft as using supernatural powers for good. So it's a bit unfortunate though, of course there are these different views about what witchcraft is. And so I had to explain to that person that I'm following in the footsteps of a large literature in history and anthropology that does view witchcraft as this ability to cause harm through supernatural means.
    But of course there are many related beliefs and sometimes they're labeled the same way. Beliefs in healers, who can have healing powers, supernatural powers [00:10:00] to cause good stuff. And so that's the phenomenon that I don't explore at all. And so in my view, I'm using the traditional, standard scholarly definition of witchcraft, but some of the people, including maybe some of your listeners may disagree, in which case this is just not a paper about the phenomenon that they are curious about, and that's fine.
    Sarah Jack: Thank you for touching on that too, and all of that. This thing that we're navigating through, it deals with all those facets, so thank you for speaking to that.
    Boris Gershman: I don't want to say that people who view witchcraft differently are wrong in some way. I'm just saying that's the definition and approach that I'm using and that it's not weird. It's actually following a long tradition among anthropologists and sociologists and historians who viewed witchcraft the same way, so it's not a weird definition.
    Sarah Jack: [00:11:00] What was your main goal?
    Boris Gershman: So I should mention that by the way, this paper that we are focusing on right now, published just a few months ago, that's not my first paper on the subject, and I've been working on that for quite a while. But in this particular paper, my goal was to collect as much information as possible on the prevalence of witchcraft beliefs around the world and compile this global data set and then use that data set to explore the correlates of witchcraft beliefs.
    That is to identify the factors, the variables that go together with witchcraft beliefs at the individual level and at the country level. So in a way, it's a descriptive paper in the sense that it doesn't establish cause and effect. And again, I want to be very clear about that from the get-go, because oftentimes you read, say, a [00:12:00] piece of journalism that describes my paper, and the results that I find are stated using this causal language that X causes Y causes X.
    Unfortunately, the correlational analysis of this paper does not allow us to make such strong statements, but it's a first pass at it. And this is meant to motivate further research. Hopefully, it will establish some causal mechanisms at work. So my goal was to compile as much information as possible and detect some correlational patterns. And I'm happy to expand on what I find and what the data look like.
    Josh Hutchinson: And you used surveys from the Pew Research Center, correct?
    Boris Gershman: That's right. So I rely on the surveys from the Pew Research Center, so that's a research center that is based right here in Washington, D.C. I've been working with their data now for almost 10 years. [00:13:00] And so with every new wave of surveys that they conduct, I'm keeping fingers crossed and hoping that they will include the witchcraft questions once again, so that I have something to work with.
    And so at some point a couple of years ago, I realized that by now with the six waves of surveys that they conducted, I have enough information to build a really comprehensive, large scale database. And so in this paper, I use information from six survey waves conducted between 2008 and 2017. They were conducted by large geographic regions. So one survey wave was focused on Sub-Saharan Africa, another was focused on Western Europe, another one on Central and Eastern Europe, and so on. And the good thing for me is that each of those survey waves included the witchcraft question that I described earlier.
    So I was able to merge all of these data together [00:14:00] to produce a consistent measure of witchcraft beliefs based on identical question asked in each of those surveys, right? Because we want witchcraft beliefs to be measured consistently. We don't want to be basing our measure on different questions, right? Because that's not right, that's not comparable. But thanks to the design of those surveys, that witchcraft question was available. And so after merging together all the data, I get a sample of about 140,000 people from 95 different countries and territories. And altogether, my back of the envelope calculation shows that they represent about half of the global adult population.
    So there are certainly gaps in the data. So some populous countries are not covered. For example, China and India are not part of this database. But covering about half of the global adult population is not bad, I think. And so that's why I call it a global data [00:15:00] set, even though, technically it's not covering every, single nation in the world. And so another good thing about those surveys was that they were designed to be nationally representative. So what that means is that when I calculate a fraction of witchcraft believers in a given country based on a certain sample from that country, we can be fairly confident that this is pretty accurate, that this is really representative of population-wide prevalence of witchcraft beliefs and not just noise. So we have national representative numbers on the prevalence of witchcraft beliefs for these 95 countries and territories.
    And the first kind of observation that I make in my paper is that first, the prevalence of witchcraft beliefs is high overall. So it's about 40% of the people in the entire sample that claim to believe in [00:16:00] witchcraft, as already defined earlier. So that's 4 out of 10. That's a lot. And so to some people who have not done research on the subject, that was a surprise, I think particularly for people in, let's call it the West, for lack of a better word, who perceive this as an outdated relic of the past, something that is irrelevant that we think about on Halloween or when we read Harry Potter books. There are a lot of people who think that this is not something that is relevant today. And so this first kind of headline number of 4 out of 10, that's a lot. 
    But the second observation that I make, and to me that's probably more important as a research subject, is that we see how uneven these beliefs are spread around the world. So in some countries, we see that the prevalence of these beliefs is very low. For example, in [00:17:00] Scandinavia, in a country like Sweden, only about 9% population claim to believe in witchcraft, whereas in a country like Tunisia and many countries in the Middle East and some countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, you have up to 90% people claiming to believe in the witchcraft.
    So the distribution of these beliefs, the geographic distribution of their prevalence is highly uneven. And it's not just about world regions. So it's not about, say, Europe versus Latin America. If you look within Europe, you still see a lot of variation, right? So we have Sweden with 9%, but we also have countries like Portugal with almost 50%.
    And so that's intriguing, right? Because you think, okay, Europe is all the same. It's many people think of Europe as just this homogeneous territory. But it's not the case economically, it's not the case culturally, politically and so on. And so from the research perspective, the fact that we have this unevenness [00:18:00] or we have variation in the prevalence of witchcraft beliefs around the world, that's an opportunity, because we can explore different correlates and see whether there are factors that go hand in hand with witchcraft beliefs, and we can look at the direction of the correlation and so on. And that's what I do in the paper.
    Sarah Jack: One of the things that I wanted to make sure the listeners understood was when something has a positive or negative correlation, what that means so that they don't misunderstand if you say positive and then something else. If it was, they would misunderstand. 
    Boris Gershman: Let me give you couple of examples. I'm sure we'll talk about a few examples. So I do two types of analysis in the paper. First, I look at the individual level witchcraft beliefs. So I'm trying to look at the factors at the individual level, particularly sociodemographic characteristics that are correlated with the personal belief in witchcraft. [00:19:00] That's the first part of the paper. And then most of the paper looks at the same thing, but across countries. So, which features at the country level are associated with witchcraft beliefs? So at the individual level, I look at standard social demographics, for example, things like age, gender, education, religious beliefs, and stuff like that.
    And for instance, to give an example of a positive versus negative correlation, I find that there is a negative correlation between the level of education and individual belief in witchcraft. And what that means is that what I find is that people who report having a higher level of education, for example, have completed secondary school or have a higher level of education, and that they tend to be less likely to believe in witchcraft. So that's when we talk about negative correlation, which means higher level of education means on average, lower [00:20:00] likelihood of believing in witchcraft. 
    On the other hand, I find some positive correlations. For example, I find, and that's an interesting result, that people who report that religion is more important in their lives. So people who are more religious are also more likely to believe in witchcraft. In other words, importance of religion and belief in God are positively correlated with witchcraft beliefs. So in a way, I find that these supernatural beliefs, whether it's belief in God or supernatural entity that is very much part of standard religious tradition, those beliefs go hand in hand with the supernatural beliefs like witchcraft, that is beliefs in the supernatural powers of human beings, which is quite curious. 
    Some of the absence of correlations that I find are also interesting. [00:21:00] For instance, many people would believe that witchcraft beliefs are isolated to remote rural areas. I would say that would be the prior belief of a lot of people who haven't done research on witchcraft. So that's not what I find. So what I find is that witchcraft beliefs are actually equally prevalent statistically speaking in urban and rural areas today. I also find that there is no statistically significant difference by gender. So men and women are roughly equally likely to believe in witchcraft. I have found a very small correlation with age, where younger people actually are slightly more likely to believe in witchcraft. Again, something that may go against the prior belief of some of your listeners. Again, these are all correlations, and so I'm gonna repeat this mantra [00:22:00] again and again, because that's what they are and that's how they should be interpreted.
    Josh Hutchinson: And the survey was limited to Christian and Islamic countries. How did that limit your ability to do an analysis on a global scale?
    Boris Gershman: That's true. And so that has to do mostly with the design of the original Pew Research Center surveys. I should mention that these surveys did not really intend to study witchcraft. I was in a way lucky that question was even included. The purpose of those surveys was to study precisely the role of big religions like Christianity and Islam, and so the bulk of those surveys focused on the role of Islam and Christianity, which explains why these countries that are covered are mostly Christian or Muslim. 
    On the one hand, it is a limitation, [00:23:00] of course. It means that, other religions are not really well represented, so I have nothing to say about that. On the other hand, if we look at my sample, if we look, say at the role of religious denomination and how it correlates with witchcraft beliefs, what I find is that other things equal, actually, whether you're a Christian or a Muslim, doesn't matter. So once again, this may come as a surprise or maybe not, but that does not correlate significantly with the likelihood of believing in witchcraft. And what's much more important is whether you are religious or not to begin with, as I already mentioned. So the lack of any affiliation, which mostly in the surveys mean that you are atheist or agnostic, so that's the part that would predict negatively your likelihood of believing in witchcraft.
    But religious denomination, not so much.[00:24:00] I should also mention that, for example, there is a recent Pew Research Center survey in India, which, as you know, so it's partly Muslim but mostly Hindu. So that's a case where we move beyond Christianity or Islam. The reason why that survey did not make it to my global dataset is because the witchcraft question there sounds a bit different. So in that survey, they ask plainly, do you believe in witchcraft? As I explained earlier, I cannot merge together data that are based on distinct questions, right? Because that's not the right research design. I want perfect comparability or close to perfect comparability. Still, if you look at the India survey and at the other witchcraft question, you will see that it's also widespread among Hindus, so certainly witchcraft beliefs cut across [00:25:00] religious denominations as they cut across socio-demographic status, as they cut across gender, location of your residence, and so on. And so one of the takeaways from this initial analysis of socio-demographics is not so much about which factors predict the likelihood of believing in witchcraft, but the fact that no matter how you slice the society, within each stratum, you still have a large number of witchcraft believers.
    So even those who have a relatively high level of education or those who report their personal economic situation to be very good, there are still plenty of witchcraft believers. So this cut across social strata is not something that is again particularly new for those who have been studying the phenomenon over the years. But it's one of the first times when we can see it actually in the data.
    Sarah Jack: And this global look is [00:26:00] what's revealing this, and so the relationship between religious belief and witchcraft belief is religious belief. It's not necessarily specific religious belief.
    Boris Gershman: So that's another takeaway that beliefs in the supernatural tend to go together. And I think one of the important points from what you correctly call the global look is that witchcraft beliefs are not in a way an oddity. I mentioned it earlier, but it's important for me to make this point clearly that it's not something that is in the past. It's not something that is left in behind in the Middle Ages or Early Modern period. It's something that's still very widespread. It's still something that's very much with us and [00:27:00] not contained in certain regions of the world, in those isolated remote communities, and so on. The manifestations of these beliefs are of course very different depending on where we look, but the truth is that when you ask people, when they're free to say, "no, I don't believe," a lot of them still say, "yes, I do believe in this." And that brings another point, which is that the numbers I provide in the paper are likely an understatement. Both because of how the question was phrased and also because, some people may feel sensitive about it and may say no, whereas maybe they're not sure. And so this kind of gray area was not captured in the survey. So these were yes or no answers. A very small percentage of the people volunteered to say, "I'm not sure" or refused to give an answer, but the majority gave a yes or no question.
    So [00:28:00] it's a modern phenomenon. It's a widespread phenomenon. It's an important phenomenon. And we can talk about why it is important, cuz that's also something I obviously touch upon in my work and in this latest paper, as well.
    Josh Hutchinson: And you found this belief in all of the 95 nations, including the United States, right?
    Boris Gershman: That's right. So there are witchcraft believers everywhere, but of course their proportion varies. So in the United States, if I'm not mistaken, the proportion I found is 16%, which is relatively low compared to the global average. Still not a zero. The lowest proportion I found was that number for Sweden of about 9% that I referred to earlier. So that's still almost 1 out of 10, low but present. Like I said, it is probably more important that in a lot of these nations with a low prevalence of witchcraft beliefs, I think[00:29:00] the manifestation of these beliefs is much more hidden. So these beliefs are, is not something that you observe in daily life.
    And so I think of this as a latent belief that remains mostly inside of you. Certainly there are much fewer stories about, say, witchcraft accusations or witchcraft persecutions in countries like Sweden or the United States compared to countries like India or South Africa. And so in that sense, I think beliefs find a more salient manifestation in some places in the world versus the other. And that is also something that's reflected perhaps by the low numbers that we observe. So I think maybe below a certain threshold these beliefs really don't manifest themselves so much in social life.
    Josh Hutchinson: [00:30:00] In social life, you discuss how social control relates to witchcraft belief. What's the correlation there?
    Boris Gershman: Yes. So, In the second part of my paper, we already talked about these individual level correlations so we can move to country level correlations. So I wanted to see which features of societies correlate with witchcraft beliefs. And so instead of just randomly looking at, different country level characteristics, I organized my analysis well based on the existing literature, right?
    Because we have more than a century of ethnographic research on witchcraft beliefs and historical research and witchcraft beliefs. And there are many hypothesis that have been suggested about the role of witchcraft beliefs in societies and the consequences of witchcraft beliefs in societies. And so for me, as an economist, the natural labels to attach to those are costs and benefits. Some people may [00:31:00] disagree with these labels, but these are just that, labels. So I think that witchcraft believes may have some social costs, right? So some negative consequences, and they may have some social functions, right?
    So there may be a reason why they exist and they persist over time. And so I sort different country level characteristics in these two buckets, so to speak. And I try to see whether there is any evidence consistent with these theories about the role of witchcraft beliefs in societies and their social costs.
    And so the point that you raised about the social control is, I think, the main theory regarding the potential social function of witchcraft beliefs that exists in the literature. And so the idea here is that witchcraft beliefs and the fears that they generate essentially enforce cultural conformity or social conformity, [00:32:00] because anyone who transgresses social norms in any ways, anyone who violates the status quo in any way has this perceived likelihood of being bewitched or being accused of witchcraft, both of which are terrifying from the perspective of that person. And so the notion is that witchcraft beliefs serve as this cultural mechanism of maintaining order and social cohesion when alternative ways of maintaining order are absent. And by alternative mechanisms, I'm referring to modern formal institutions, right? All these laws and government institutions of the modern world that organize lives in societies, that organize the rules of the game, that tell us what is and what is not allowed or what punishment will face if we violate the law, the institutions that offer mechanisms for resolving [00:33:00] conflicts, and so on, the system of taxation that guides distribution of wealth, and so on and so forth. These come on the label of institutions, of formal institutions. And so when these institutions are absent, scholars have argued that witchcraft beliefs could serve this role of maintaining social cohesion under the threat of punishment for norm violation. 
    So this is something that I try to investigate in my cross-country analysis. And so I do it in two ways. First, I want to check whether the prevalence of witchcraft beliefs correlates with other measures of cultural conformity. And so I look at different measures that, again, I take from previous literature. For example, one of the measures is an index of individualism versus collectivism. So that captures the extent to which societies are collectivists. That is, people in those societies view [00:34:00] themselves as part of a group rather than as this atomic individual with their personal will and the personal freedom of actions.
    Another measure is, for example, the perceived importance of tradition in societies. So that's based on the question that asks people, "do you think tradition is important?" These are metrics about the importance on the other hand of things like risk taking or the importance of being adventurous or the importance of cultivating traits like creativity and imagination in children and stuff like that.
    And so for all these metrics, I find that witchcraft beliefs are associated with higher conformist culture. So for example, more individualistic societies are less likely to have a high prevalence of witchcraft beliefs. More collectivist societies have more widespread witchcraft beliefs, or [00:35:00] societies where witchcraft beliefs are widespread place higher importance on tradition and place less importance on creativity and risk taking. So indeed we find that the prevalence of witchcraft beliefs goes hand in hand with the culture of conformity, which is consistent with this idea that they may actually enforce cultural conformity. 
    The other way that I show evidence consistent with this idea, and that's one of the strongest patterns that I find, is that in countries with strong government institutions, witchcraft beliefs are much less prevalent. In other words, in countries that have high indices of the rule of law, high indices for the quality of governance, high confidence in local police, high confidence in the court system and other metrics. Those countries with high-quality, modern institutions governing [00:36:00] lives, witchcraft beliefs are much less prevalent, which is exactly consistent with this idea that if you have alternative mechanisms of organizing lives, witchcraft beliefs are not so useful to perform that function, and so they're less likely to persist.
    So that's very much consistent with this view of witchcraft beliefs as playing a role of maintaining social cohesion, perhaps not in the best way under the threat of punishment but in societies that just lack an alternative ways of doing so. 
    And so I like one old study from the sixties by a scholar Gertrude Dole. So she studied small society named Kuikuro in Brazil. So that society essentially lacked any kind of political authority. It lacked any sort of the way we think about them. And they had, on the other hand, witchcraft [00:37:00] beliefs that were highly prevalent. And the way Gertrude Dole interpreted that is, in her words, that these witchcraft beliefs and the fears that they triggered helped maintain, quote, "anarchy without chaos."
    In other words, that society could exist in what we would call anarchy in the sense that there was no government, there were no institutions guiding the life in the community, but yet they were not descending into chaos because witchcraft related fears organized behavior in such a way that there was some semblance of order, right? The people behave themselves, because if they didn't, they would face this threat of witchcraft accusation or the threat of a witchcraft attack. So that's the core idea.
    Sarah Jack: I really think back through history in the different witch hunts that flared up during transitions [00:38:00] of power or cultural transitions, because it's super cool and awful. 
    Boris Gershman: Exactly. You are right. You're right. And the witch trials flaring up or witchcraft concerns have been observed to happen in times of structural transformation or a major shock to society and so on. You're right.
    Sarah Jack: Oh, I wanted to know if you wouldn't mind, just while we're in this section, touching on the zero sum mindset that relates to the witchcraft belief.
    Boris Gershman: Yes. So that's a very interesting observation, and I think it's a bit understudied. And I know there is work in progress by some of my fellow economist colleagues that on the zero sum beliefs and witchcraft as it relates to it. But looking first at the ethnographic or anecdotal evidence we see that oftentimes witchcraft beliefs are related to zero sum [00:39:00] thinking, right?
    Which means that someone's gain necessarily means someone else's loss. And the way that this has manifested itself in the context of witchcraft beliefs is, for example, as follows. So oftentimes we see that witchcraft accusations are applied to peoples who somehow stand out or show off, for lack of a better word. This may not be showing off proper, but that maybe, for example, someone who say, decides to go to city to get education, unlike most of other members of the community. Or maybe that's someone who decided to take a risk and adopt a new fertilizer to improve crop yields. And then imagine that person does have increased crops.
    And then in the case of this good fortune, that person may face witchcraft accusation. Why? [00:40:00] Because if someone gets richer, according to the zero sum mindset, that can only happen at the expense of other community members. So in a way, you are getting richer, but while doing so, you must be harming the rest of the community.
    And so then those people who show up who, who stand out are more likely to face witchcraft, accusation just by the merely trying to improve their wellbeing. So that's important, and that I think is what I show also in the paper is that the zero sum mindset measured in couple of ways correlates positively with the prevalence of witchcraft beliefs. And certainly this is something we observe in anecdotes.
    I have another paper that relates to that a little bit, and so maybe that's a, an opportunity for me to just bring it up, at least a little bit. That also by the way relates to your previous point about the role of major [00:41:00] shocks in terms of propagating witchcraft beliefs.
    So I have this paper from a couple of years ago on the role of slave trade in propagating or entrenching witchcraft beliefs in Sub-Saharan Africa, in Latin America. And so what I show in that paper is that in Sub-Saharan Africa society is that we're more heavily exposed to the slave trade or history today are more likely to believe in witchcraft. 
    And on the one hand, of course, like I said, this relates to this whole notion that a big misfortune or a big shock triggers this witchcraft beliefs and witchcraft concerns. And so that goes along with that big observation, because obviously the experience of slave trade was terrible shock and misery for locals in sub-Saharan Africa.
    But also it has to do with the zero-sum worldview. What we see in historical [00:42:00] evidence is that during the era of the slave trade the slave traders, the perpetrators, the Europeans and their accomplices in the continent were widely viewed as witches, right? Because they were the source of the huge misfortune. And in that case, that fit extremely well with the zero sum mindset. Because what happened is that those witches, the Europeans and their local accomplices were literally enriching themselves at the expense of the lives of the local Africans, right? They were being captured, enslaved, and transferred across the ocean. They were suffering, and at the expense of that suffering, the witches, the Europeans, the white witches were getting richer. So in that sense, it's actually one of those cases where the zero-sum perception actually fit the [00:43:00] reality, so to speak. So I think it's an interesting point and your question on the zero sum thinking brought that up in mind.
    Sarah Jack: Thanks for bringing all of your knowledge into this conversation, cuz that very much supplements understanding this global analysis. Thank you.
    Josh Hutchinson: What you've said really explains a lot of the historical situations particularly what's going on right now in Sub-Saharan Africa, where you see a persistence of people acting on witchcraft belief with accusations but also in Salem and New England witch trials, we see something of the zero sum mindset where a person who improves their life is then targeted, or if they stand out in some way through lack of religious conformity. Just anybody who stood out was a likely target.[00:44:00] 
    Boris Gershman: That's exactly right. And that kind of ties up nicely our discussion of both the zero sum thinking and the way witchcraft beliefs enforce conformity. Whether it's conformity in material wellbeing, let's call it this way, that is, you can't get richer than others, you have to share, let's put it this way, or if it's a religious conformity or if it's any sort of normal behavior that is part of the status quo.
    So we see again and again, how in different settings witchcraft beliefs operate to maintain the preexisting status quo and the preexisting social norms. And so I think it's interesting because when we started talking about it, I brought it up as what has been argued to be a social function of witchcraft beliefs.
    And indeed, you may think of the circumstances when it's important for the society to be mobilized in this way, to be [00:45:00] cohesive in this way, even if it's under the threat of punishment. But of course, this leads directly to all sorts of things that we may view as negative side effects or social costs. And in fact, it's much easier to list the negatives or the negative consequences of witchcraft beliefs compared to the possible social benefits. And so I dedicate many pages in the paper on these potential side effects, right? So as I already mentioned on the one hand, conformity may be viewed as a good thing under special circumstances, but the flip side of it is that anything like innovation, accumulation, creativity is discouraged.
    Because if you are creative, if you are innovative, if you want to accumulate something, if you want to acquire wealth, if you want to acquire education, if you want to advance the wellbeing of your children, let's say, all of that [00:46:00] comes with the risk of being accused of witchcraft or being bewitched.
    But of course, all of these things are essential in terms of driving economic growth, in terms of driving the wellbeing of societies. And these side effects from the perspective of the drivers of something like economic growth are really major. And so I show that there are very strong correlations, negative ones between, for example, the prevalence of witchcraft beliefs and the culture of innovation and the actual metrics of innovation.
    I show that there is a correlation between the prevalence of witchcraft beliefs and anxiety, right? Something that I actually explore in the paper I'm currently writing that the connection here is pretty obvious, right? The fears of witchcraft and accusations are really terrifying things, and we start seeing it in the data that people [00:47:00] who believe in witchcraft also tend to report higher levels of anxiety and negative emotions and lower levels of life satisfaction. Which by the way, stands in sharp contrast with the positive role of religion with respect to calming anxiety. So that's some work in progress. 
    But basically I show that there are a number of these negative side effects. One big side effect that I studied also in my earlier paper is the erosion of social relations. That is, the harmful impact of witchcraft related fears on relations within community, on trust, on cooperation, on helping each other out. So there is an obvious corrosive effect of these witchcraft related fears on mutual trust. And I've documented it for Sub-Saharan Africa in the paper published way back in 2016. I document the similar [00:48:00] correlations at the country level in this most recent paper published a few month ago.
    And that's also consistent with lots and lots of ethnographic evidence and how basically these beliefs can destroy communities now they just keep people on edge. And of course we haven't touched upon perhaps the most extreme manifestation of the harm potentially caused by witchcraft beliefs, which is when they lead to accusations, persecutions, and sanctions, all the way up to killings.
    It's easy to come up with the social costs. It's not so easy to come up with social functions. I try to be objective and do both in the paper and think the patterns that I show are consistent with the presence of lots of things on the cost side and also with this potentially organizing role [00:49:00] in societies that lack better ways of doing so. But I think it's important to look at this phenomenon comprehensively. And try to be open to the idea that in some societies, perhaps even today these beliefs play a certain function. Because if we ignore that, if we just try to, say, eradicate these beliefs, whatever it takes, brute force, I'm very much against this kind of approach because this is likely to backfire as we've seen in history, as well. So we know that various attempts to say outlaw something like witchcraft persecutions or accusations were viewed very negatively typically by local societies, and were perceived as an attempt to side with the witches, to let them loose to oppose the persecution of [00:50:00] what was widely seen as a crime of witchcraft. And so I think a much more soft approach would be constructive in making a cultural change. And so for that to happen, we need to understand the circumstances under which witchcraft beliefs tend to stick around because they fulfill a certain function.
    Josh Hutchinson: We've spoken with activists in South Africa and Nigeria, and they point out that there are laws against witchcraft accusations in place that either have no effect or might actually encourage witchcraft accusations by specifying that witchcraft is illegal.
    Boris Gershman: Yes, exactly. So that's what I meant by these laws backfiring. Some countries still have these kinds of laws, which are [00:51:00] counterproductive, but these were often established by colonial administrations. And these were copied from their own countries. They were copied without considerations of possible unintended consequences that they may trigger. And you're right, they would often be either ignored and not enforced at all or backfire in such a way that these colonial administrations will be seen as helping the witches out. And so in some cases, these laws were subsequently repealed, and witchcraft beliefs were enshrined as part of a country's culture or. Freedom of religion and call it whatever you want. 
    But it poses really an interesting question in terms of what can be done from the legal perspective and so on. And it's a tricky balance. I think it's balance that is well reflected in UN resolution. The [00:52:00] general assembly resolution that was passed in summer of 2021. You may be familiar with it, but it's a resolution that condemned in legalese language. They call it harmful practices related to witchcraft accusations and ritual attacks.
    And so these legal documents are always very hard to read. But the basic idea is that on the one hand it's a call to eradicate these harmful practices, particularly persecutions, of course, the most obvious violations of human rights that happen in this context. But at the same time, they have as one of their bullet points, if my memory served me well, they emphasize that this should not come at the expense of limiting religious freedom. In other words, we want people to believe in whatever they want, right? It's God or witchcraft or demons or evil spirits, you name it. Everyone should feel free to believe in [00:53:00] whatever they want. But there is a line that should not be crossed in the sense that these cannot turn into persecutions of people and violation of their human rights.
    So that resolution was trying to strike this balance, and I think that's the right kind of balance. But at the same time, it's not clear how that's gonna be enforced. And in any case, these types of the resolutions are not really laws, strictly speaking, they're just calls for action that may or may not be reflected in local laws in any way.
    So yeah it's a very tricky thing and I think that's reflects this idea. We have to tread really carefully that you can't be too forceful with kind of interfering with people's beliefs and culture. And I think what the right approach is to look at these fundamentals that make witchcraft beliefs stick around.
    So in my [00:54:00] opinion, and based on my research, there are two main fundamentals. So one is the one we discussed a lot, which is modern institutions. That is, societies build up those institutions that defined property rights well, that provide a fair court system to resolve disputes, that provide protection, and so on. If we have those institutions to govern societies, then I think witchcraft beliefs will be less relevant as a mechanism to structure lives, and they will likely disappear or diminish in a natural way just because they cause more harm than they do good. It's very unlikely for social institution to persist indefinitely if it's a net negative, right? So if it's just causing social [00:55:00] harm without serving any purpose, it may persist, but it's unlikely to persist indefinitely. 
    The other factor is the vulnerability of people, and that's something that we haven't touched upon. So maybe it's the right moment, which is that the most superficial role of witchcraft beliefs is to explain, quote unquote, "bad events" or "misfortunes". So you have sickness, you have death, you have crop failure, you have bad marriage, you are losing your job, you name it, a misfortune, you want an explanation for it. That goes back to the deep human need to have a cause for everything. And so witchcraft beliefs serve that purpose superficially by saying, okay, it's witchcraft, right?
    So something bad happens. Why did it happen to me? It's witchcraft. Now, of course, this raises a bigger issue of, why would you explain a misfortune through witchcraft? But that's a whole different level of [00:56:00] conversation. But anyway, witchcraft beliefs in societies where they exist, they serve this purpose. They serve to explain misfortune. So the corollary of that is that maybe, if there are fewer misfortunes in societies, maybe that could help. Or maybe if you make societies less vulnerable to things like disease and drought. And if you have an established social safety net, for example, for people who suffer a loss or hardship, then you know they would not be so desperate to find an explanation for whatever fell on them in the evil intentions of their fellow human beings.
    And so that could be another factor that could naturally diminish the role of witchcraft beliefs as explainers of misfortunes. It's not a panacea for sure, because in all [00:57:00] societies there are some misfortunes, right? You cannot eliminate all misfortunes from our life. But you can certainly diminish the incidents of those misfortunes, particularly some of those that are crucial for wellbeing.
    In countries that rely on agriculture for subsistence, a drought is a terrible calamity. So if you have some sort of insurance mechanism against, that'll help a lot. Or in countries with widespread epidemics, you can deal with that somehow and diminish the incidence of sickness and so on.
    So I think developing institutions and decreasing social vulnerability would go a long way in making these beliefs less relevant, let's put it this way, with the hope that that will contribute to their, the decrease in their popularity with the beneficial effect of decreasing all those harmful consequences that we discussed before.
    Josh Hutchinson: Yeah, that's so critically important, what you've [00:58:00] just said. You can't just go in there, rush in and try to take the belief away. You can't rush in and stop the killings without having some other mechanisms in place to replace the social function of witchcraft. And we need to consider that when making UN resolutions. The Human Rights Council will be meeting to discuss further action on the harmful practices, and we're hoping that they will understand that you need this nuanced approach, this balance.
    Boris Gershman: I think that's right, and I do think they are aware of it. I know the work of some of the scholars who contributed to the emergence of that resolution, and I know they exercise a lot of care in these issues. They try to [00:59:00] strike these balance, and a lot of them are doing field work in some of the countries where witchcraft accusations are still widespread and witchcraft persecutions are still widespread. And they're well aware that these drastic interventions may backfire and at best be some kind of a temporary relief and certainly long-term solution of any sort would require time and care and more of a deeper transformation in the conditions in which those societies live rather than proclaiming that don't do this kind of stuff, that just or even worse, believing in this is wrong. Like these are the things that just won't work, will backfire, and just are ineffective. I completely agree.
    Sarah Jack: I'm just processing, processing, processing.
    Josh Hutchinson: This is all so fascinating. 
    Boris Gershman: Yes, there is certainly lot to talk about. [01:00:00] Yes, I mean, this is a, such a multi-dimensional issue and it's a hard one. There are so many things going on and what I'm hoping for is that my own work, the work of other scholars will raise awareness that with this paper that we spent most of the time on, that it will convey this message that it's not an obscure thing, it's something that's still very much present that it's important to understand, it's important to study. 
    When I started working on this now almost 10 years ago or so it was hard to sell it, let's put it this way. And, you know, I'm an economist, so it was super hard for me particularly to sell it, because why should an economist do this in the first place? That was weird. And so, you know, I'm happy that I managed to still continue doing this work and attract some attention. And I feel like with over the years, this has been an [01:01:00] understanding increasingly so that it's important for economists and policy makers and of social scientists overall to work on culture. That this is not a laughing matter, that it's not the stuff of Harry Potter or Halloween, that it's a serious matter. And I do feel like there's been a. A change in the perception of these cultural issues. And I hope that the work in this area will continue and that this will also be part of policy making, at least to the extent that before any kind of policy interventions there should be a survey of let's call it local cultural landscape, and the understanding of how that local cultural landscape will interfere with any sorts of policies or development programs and so forth.
    They are so widespread in the modern world. [01:02:00] And the understanding that culture is essential for the success or failure of some of these programs or policies, the understanding of that I think is very important. And there should be more work done on witchcraft. There should be more work done on other beliefs.
    And as economist, someone who's used to working with data and who's used to working on issues quantitatively, I think gathering more statistics, gathering more hard evidence beyond case studies is particularly important because that kind of evidence, I think would potentially be more convincing for policy makers and other people who make these types of decisions. So I'm calling for more of a quantitative science of witchcraft beliefs and culture more broadly.
    Josh Hutchinson: I think that is so important, [01:03:00] and thank you for the work that you've done on that. I think countries like South Africa right now, they're considering repealing the old Witchcraft Suppression Act, but they're law reform committee is also considering replacing it with a law against harmful witchcraft practices. And we're wondering, how do they see that working better than what they have right now? And hopefully some more analysis will help them to make those plans better.
    Boris Gershman: Yes. I agree. But with all these laws the repeal and replace I think I'm generally on the side of skepticism in the sense that as we've seen through the years, what's written on paper does not typically turn into enforcement ,and we [01:04:00] don't know to what extent and how these laws can be enforced or will be enforced.
    And so that's part of the reason why I think these types of interventions are not very likely to be effective, frankly, in having any impact on beliefs or persecutions. Of course, we should try to do whatever we can to deal at least with these most outrageous manifestations of witchcraft beliefs, which are the killings, right? So I think we should try everything to, at the very least, deal with these egregious violation of human rights in that form. But as I said, beyond this, there are lots of other less visible costs that these practices cost. So even if there is a way of preventing the killings, there would still be a [01:05:00] heavy burden of witchcraft beliefs in other areas, whether it's social relations or psychological wellbeing or innovation and so on.
    And so there will still be a question of, what do we do with that? So it's not just a matter of preventing the most cruelest manifestation of witchcraft persecutions, but also what the biggest chunk of the iceberg that is underneath the tip, right? And of course, that is something that is often hidden, right?
    So we do observe these cases of witchcraft persecutions and killings, and they show up occasionally in news reports. That's what gets attention. And they absolutely should. But you don't have a news report on something like, oh, because of the fear of witchcraft, that person decided not to go to school. You know [01:06:00] what I mean? That sounds like a boring story, but when you add up all these small stories, that's a lot, right? That's a huge impact. So by all means, I think everything necessary should be done to prevent the killings, but there is much more than that.
    And by the way, it was one interesting observation that I noticed. I was recently reading this book on witch hunts with a focus on India. And what struck me there is that in India, particularly in, in the states where these witchcraft accusations are common there are laws against witchcraft persecutions. That doesn't stop them. And in fact what was interesting in the case studies described in that book is that oftentimes, and I wanna say in most of the case studies they described, the person who committed the crime of killing the alleged witch. The person is eventually [01:07:00] caught by the police and put in prison. Okay? So they face their, I don't know if it's justice, but they face the consequences of their crime. And yet the existence of these laws and the reality of people going to jail for committing that crime does not prevent the crime, okay? Of course, we know that laws do not prevent all the crime, but my point is that it's not a silver bullet, right? You can have laws against persecuting witches. It doesn't mean that these persecutions will stop. It doesn't mean that they will end. So we need more fundamental changes that will just contribute to the decline of the beliefs, decline of the necessity to accuse someone of that, or even in the instances when someone is accused, we want that to [01:08:00] gain no traction, right? Because in some cases, accusations are made, but they go nowhere because there's not enough support from the local community. You need some support, some consensus to bring it to the next level, so to speak.
    And so if you don't have witchcraft beliefs widespread in society, or if you can change the minds of the people in terms of attributing certain events to witchcraft, then the lack of consensus or the lack of the critical mass of people who are willing to consent to the decision to initiate persecution that may be sufficient to prevent those.
    So that's another channel. Yeah. So an accusation, as you know, does not automatically transform into persecution. And persecutions may also come in very different forms, right? Everyone knows about the most egregious one, which ends up with killing. In some [01:09:00] societies it may be a matter of a simple fine, right, monetary payment, or it may be a matter of a simple cleansing ritual, relatively harmless.
    Again, other things equal, that's preferable to banishing a person, ostracizing a person, or killing a person. So it would also be important to understand why sanctions differ across societies. And here, of course, we have very little hard data to work with. So we have lots of case studies, and I think it's a very fascinating question of how beliefs transform into accusations, how accusations transform into persecutions, and how the punishment is chosen or decided.
    Josh Hutchinson: So you still have the underlying anxiety and fear to address. You can't just [01:10:00] go in and say, "don't murder these people." Because that's not a deterrent against the killing. You have all that anxiety and fear that eventually bubbles over and causes these actions.
    Boris Gershman: Exactly. 
    Sarah Jack: It's so great that you were able to do what you've done with this information. We use the word link. Witchcraft beliefs are linked to innovation, linked to economic development, linked to this crime and fear. It's link is almost too minimal of a word cuz it's one large mechanism with all these components. But the numbers and your analysis show how it fits together.
    Boris Gershman: Yes. That was the main goal. To see that, to show that there are systematic patterns that is not just one story and another story, and that case study and this case study that we see some systematic patterns. And of course, we want to [01:11:00] know more. We want to have studies that can tease out the causal impact, which is always very difficult, right? Because you, it's very hard to make experiments with culture. But, hopefully, more work will be done in this area. And so I view my own contributions kind of a motivation for further studies.
    Sarah Jack: It's a significant contribution. It's significant.
    Josh Hutchinson: The data shows such widespread belief, and even in the countries where it's lower, you pointed out in Sweden and Scandinavia, it's one in 10 people. So everybody knows somebody who has this witchcraft belief and fear. One in six Americans, I think it was around one in eight in the UK. That's your friends, your family, somebody in your circle has this belief in fear.
    Boris Gershman: [01:12:00] Absolutely. I know people in my family who believe that, my extended family, so yeah, it's not uncommon. It's not uncommon at all even in societies where you may not expect it, so certainly a big point, certainly important to have in mind. And another signal for the wide community of people who develop policies, who interfere in any way with people's lives, the governments and so on, to take this issue seriously and not rely on a mechanistic, technocratic approach and brushing away people's culture, people's beliefs as something that is irrelevant or weak or that's something that can be ignored or can be changed or shaped [01:13:00] at will. 
    It's a hard process to change the beliefs. There is a very high degree of persistence, just because we acquire a lot of what we believe from our parents and then our children acquire beliefs from us and so on. So through this process of what we call vertical cultural transmission, there is always some degree in persistence. And we see it in all sorts of religious beliefs. We see it even in things like political beliefs and so on. And so this mechanistic force of cultural learning will continue operating and will continue making it hard for these beliefs to evolve quickly.
    Josh Hutchinson: It took time, Europe and North America, we had, our age of Witch Hunts in the early modern period, and it took time to phase out of that, replace that thinking with something new, [01:14:00] and we think it'll take time elsewhere. Hopefully, not too long to address the killings, but as you pointed out, the government intervention, they're going to have to put other mechanisms in place, and that will take time. In places where tradition is especially important, it's going to take time to change those beliefs. 
    Boris Gershman: Yes, I agree completely, but I think that's exactly the right way to think about it. To me what was happening in the early modern period in Europe, in America, that actually was not that long time ago. You know what I mean? It's not that long time ago. And it's very different now, and I certainly don't see any reason to believe that something like that won't happen throughout the world once these fundamentals that we discussed[01:15:00] change. And so to me that transformation that happened in Europe and America, these are exactly the cases that point to the future where these issues will be less pervasive and witchcraft related fears around the world will not be as salient as they are now, particularly in, in certain communities.
    Hopefully, it's not gonna be a matter of a couple of centuries. Hopefully, the transformation will take a shorter amount of time, and as you said, particularly in regard to killings. It will take time though, so we have to be ready for that. And we have to understand that this is just a process that should not be rushed even if we understand urgency of dealing with the most outrageous manifestation of these beliefs.[01:16:00] 
    Josh Hutchinson: Something you said earlier really got me thinking about how these beliefs and actions have transformed over time. In the early modern period, the nation state was just emerging. You see all the network of kingdoms and duchies and all those minor states being replaced with stronger centralized governments, and in the US you saw the revolution, the federal governments introduced, the state governments are introduced, and the nations where we see a lot of the witchcraft killings today are post-colonial, and those institutions are still emerging, and I think that we have to help those institutions along, and that will help [01:17:00] drive the change.
    Boris Gershman: Absolutely. I completely agree with this and this institutional fundamentals I think are essential. It's important that societies have an alternative way to organize their lives. That they have the rules of the game, so to speak, defined by these institutions. And then, I do think that the process of developing these institutions will contribute naturally to the demise of these beliefs, just because they won't serve a useful purpose anymore.
    And I think you are exactly right that historically the process of state formation in Europe and US contributed to the decline of these institutions. That's also a theme of another book. There is a book I think it's titled Cursed Britain, about the decline of witchcraft beliefs in Britain. And so one of the interesting points that is made in that book is that of course, with the decline of witch trials, the famous witch [01:18:00] trials, witchcraft beliefs did not disappear in Britain. So it took a while for them to reach this low level that we see in the modern data. And the author makes a case that it is particularly the development of state capacity and the development of institutions like police force and court system and so on, that contributed to this decline perhaps even more than the improvement in the standard of living or the improvement in literacy and things like that.
    And so I do tend to agree with the fundamental role of institutions in contributing to the decline of witchcraft beliefs and persecutions.
    We have the urgency in the sense that we are talking about people's lives, so people who actually are killed for allegedly being a witch. So that's an urgent matter and we can do whatever it takes to eliminate that. But at the same time, I think that the process of[01:19:00] decreasing the prevalence of witchcraft beliefs and diminishing the other large social costs of those beliefs is something that is going to take time and is something that will require some of the fundamental changes. That was the point.
    I don't have any estimates of how long this may take. I have only speculation about some of the factors that may contribute to this process. But yeah, I think we should tread lightly while also trying to address those urgent cases of abuse that we see in relation to witchcraft beliefs. 
    Josh Hutchinson: Now, here's Sarah with an important update on Connecticut, witch trial exoneration legislation.
    Sarah Jack: Here is your Connecticut, witch trial exoneration. Weekly legislation news. On the first day of women's history month, 2023, . The Connecticut legislature's joint committee and judiciary [01:20:00] heard testimony for the joint committee proposed bill 34. Concerning certain witchcraft convictions in colonial Connecticut. 
    The Connecticut witch trial exoneration project and some others, descendants of colonial connecticut community members gave testimony, expressing the crucial and relevant matter of exonerating those executed for witchcraft in the 17th century Connecticut. I was one of the exoneration advocates that gave testimony today. Giving testimony as to why my ancestor should be acknowledged as an innocent, which trial victim was a continuation of her own plea of innocence. Today. 
    The women back then. Proclaim their innocence and the men did not listen today I proclaimed their innocence. But did my message find a more receptive audience overall, that appears to be the case. We are encouraged to see more legislators signing on as bill sponsors. You can listen to today's informative testimonies. 
    The link is in the show description. There's a lot that can be taught from the comments and questions that arose today. We want [01:21:00] to make a few clarifications. After someone who is a witch trial victim has been ostracized, it takes a family three to four generations to recover. And so the generational impact to the witch trial victim families carry on beyond the revolution. The relevance of historic which trials can be seen when you consider the modern alleged, witch attacks and the societal othering we've witnessed. The Connecticut accused witches were accused of signing a compact with the devil. 
    Their charges had nothing to do with modern paganism. Every trial in Connecticut had its own circumstances leading up to the accusations. Because compacting with the devil is not possible, we know those accused were innocent. Descendants seeking exoneration have come together in collaboration to tell the stories of their accused ancestors, despite coming from different backgrounds, with different belief systems and political leanings. 
    Granting exoneration does not mean other pressing issues are responded to less. Let's not avoid facing historical wrongs any longer. Correcting the [01:22:00] historical record, like exonerating innocent victims of the witch trials is the right thing to do. The stories of the women in the Connecticut trials are interesting and unique, enriching Connecticut's history telling. 
    What we want, not a pardon, an exoneration because they were innocent. No reparations. The next steps after this are memorials, educational programs, and the recognition of Connecticut's unique history. The judiciary committee still has to vote on the bill before it can go on to the House and Senate. We must keep communicating. Will you take time today to write to a member of the judiciary committee asking them to recognize the relevance of exonerating Connecticut witch trial victims? You can do this, whether you are a Connecticut resident or anywhere else in the world. You should do it from right where you are. Now's the time and place to stand for acknowledging that women were not and are not capable of harming others with diabolical or maleficent powers. 
    The victims we wish to exonerate are known to be innocent. The victims of today that [01:23:00] we wish to protect are known to be innocent. You can find the information you need to contact a committee member with a letter in the show links. The Connecticut, witch trial exoneration project strongly urges the General Assembly to hear the voices of the witch trial victims being amplified by the community today. They were not witches. We hope you will pass this legislation without delay. 
    Our project is offering several ways for exoneration supporters to plug in and participate or learn about the exoneration and history. Links to all these informative opportunities are listed in the episode description. Use your social power to help Alice Young, America's first executed witch finally be acknowledged. Support the descendants by acknowledging and sharing their ancestor stories. Please use all your communication channels to be an intervener and stand with them. The world must stop hunting witches. Please follow our project on social media. @ctwitchhunt. 
     And visit our website at connecticutwitchtrials.org. The Connecticut Witch Trial Exoneration Project is a project [01:24:00] of End Witch Hunts Movement. End Witch Hunts is a nonprofit organization founded to educate about witch trial history and advocate for alleged witches. Please support us with your donations or purchases of educational, witch trial books and merchandise. You can shop our merch at zazzle.com/store/endwitchhunts, zazzle.com/store/thoushaltnotsuffer, and shop our books at bookshop.org /endwitchhunts. We want you as a super listener. You can help keep the Thou Shalt Not Suffer Podcast in production by super listening with your monthly monetary support. See episode descriptions for links to these support opportunities. We thank you for standing with us and for helping us create a world that is safe from witchcraft accusations. 
    Thank you, Sarah.
    You're welcome.
    Josh Hutchinson: And thank you for listening to Thou Shalt Not Suffer: The Witch Trial Podcast.
    Sarah Jack: Join us like you always do next week.
    Josh Hutchinson: Subscribe wherever you get your [01:25:00] podcasts.
    Sarah Jack: Visit our website, thoushaltnotsuffer.com.
    Josh Hutchinson: Remember to tell your friends and family.
    Sarah Jack: Thank you for supporting our efforts at End Witch Hunts. If you'd like to donate, please visit our website at endwitchhunts.org to learn more.
    Josh Hutchinson: Have a great today and a beautiful tomorrow.